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Economics

Dinner with the former Prime Minister of Georgia

Last week, Jamie Whyte, James Tyler, Tom Clougherty and I attended a dinner with numerous others at which the former Prime Minister of Georgia, Vladimer ‘Lado’ Gurgenidze spoke. Hosted by good our friends at the Adam Smith Institute, the evening was a showcase of sound reform and what can be achieved by politicians who have a clear vision and will to set people free. Don’t take my word for it. Get a flavour from the man himself, here.

Economics

The Ethics of Capitalism: A Secular and a Theological Justification

The current debate about bankers’ bonuses is often seen as one of fairness pitted against the greed of those nasty capitalists,.

To me, bankers are lawfully working within the system – one  that is rotten to the core. The banking system is the greatest of all examples of State corporate capitalism. We have a central bank that is State owned, we have a legal tender law that prevents competition in the provision of the production of money, and we have private sectors banks which are licensed by the State to be its agent when it wants to monetise its very own debts and create inflation at the expense of its citizens: people who have been prudent and thrifty as well as those on fixed income.

The State has one important central intention: to hide its prolific over spending.  We have private sector banks that have legal privilege granted to them so they can use their depositors’ money to lend out many times over to entrepreneurs. They are the only type of business in the whole country  permitted do this. All other commercial enterprises at all points in time need to keep their current creditors whole, otherwise they are insolvent. There is no requirement at all in this country for any bank to keep even one penny in reserves against their depositors’ funds. In fact, it has been a stated fact of law since 1811 in Carr V Carr that “his” deposited funds are not his, but are in fact the banks’.

This fractional reserve banking system we have can only work with a lender of last resort i.e. the State owned central bank with legal tender laws. This means that in partnership with the State, the State can monetise its debts (at the expense of you and me) and the banks can keep as little reserves as they can get away with to make a return on capital that you and I in the real capitalist private sector could never do.  This encourages risk. Indeed with the banks now able to borrow at the taxpayers’ expense via the discount window (heavily subsidised short term central bank funding) and know there is a guarantee of a bail out should their gambles go wrong makes the state and the bankers two equal partners in a very unjust process.

The resulting situation is what I call ‘corporate capitalism’  (thoroughly amoral) as opposed to ‘capitalism’, which is totally moral.  This needs some explaining, as I suspect worthy people are shooting arrows at the wrong target.

We know that the free market capitalist system is without doubt the most efficient creator and allocator of resources. Adam Smith taught us that “It is not from the benevolence of the butcher, the brewer, or the baker, that we can expect our dinner, but from their regard to their own interest” in his Wealth of Nations. Self interest or the profit motive drives man to create and to provide all the multiplicity of goods and services we have enjoyed and will enjoy.

Mises in his famous book Socialism, http://mises.org/books/socialism.pdf showed us that if Society was run by planners, the price system which allows resources to flow to their most desired uses would not function. Indeed it would impoverish anyone nation that tried it. If, say. the planner could not correctly witness all the competing bids and resource allocations for metals that were capable of being used in the construction of railroad tracks (that involves many companies competing for scarce resources) he would never know which metal would be the most cost effective to build his railroad.  No one planner would be able to economically calculate, or indeed, no army of planners would be able to calculate and allocate all the resources of Society in the socialist economy better than the many millions of participants in the economy allocating resources via the price mechanism. The experiment in the Soviet bloc with socialism impoverished at least three generations and lead to wide scale death and a general shortage of life, and misery.

Hayek, in his very famous essay “The Use of Knowledge in Society” http://www.econlib.org/library/Essays/hykKnw1.html added to the critique of Mises by pointing out that absenting the price system would mean that the central planning officials would need to absorb the entire knowledge of all the people in society to effectively plan their needs. This was absurd and impossible.

All State planned schemes, from the provision of money to the provision of health and education – even in our cosy mixed economy – could be done better by an unhampered market.  We are thus weary of all bloated government departments and officials who say they can do something better for us – they can’t.

The efficiency case for an unhampered market, or free market capitalism is clear and unchallengeable. The subjective actions of freely consenting adults in a capitalist system produce the most amount of goods in the most efficient way.  But is there an objectively moral case for the capitalist system? I attempt to answer it in the remaining part of this Insight article.

First Principles: Secular Argument

I Argue

One thing that distinguishes human beings from all other life forms is our ability to communicate with each other via talking. Only human beings can make a proposition. The question of what is just or unjust only arises because I can debate or argue this point with another person.  To be able to argue my position I must be in control of my physical and mental self. I must own myself in order to be to be a human being.  I have the total right to use all my physical and mental faculties to participate in life, otherwise I cannot even exist as a human being expressing an opinion. I do not know many people who would argue with this. If I did not own my own faculties I could not participate in life except under the command of who owned me.  This also implies that just so much as I own myself, I do not own anyone else. It also follows that if I do something that violates another human being without their consent I violate their right to express their very humanness.

Thus, I deduce that by my very being , I own myself , I own my own property as me, I have a right not to be interfered with so long as I do not interfere with anyone else.  It clearly follows that if I were to interfere with someone else’s property, they would not own it.  This would deprive them of their own humanity, I suggest. This is a deduction from the axiom that to exist I need to argue. I come to this conclusion via the Haberrmasian axiom of interpersonal argument that has been so cleverly adapted by Hans Herman Hoppe in his book The Economics and Ethics of Private Property: full text,  http://mises.org/books/economicsethics.pdf .

To argue against this you explicitly acknowledge control of your faculties, at the very least. Following Kant’s Golden Rule that a norm should be universal in its applicability should it be objectively valid, this proposition surely fulfils this requirement to be a totally objective axiomatic principle.

All ethical propositions, such as socialism, that say that you owe a duty to the State to provide for others,  are violations of the very distinguishing thing that makes you a human being and not a rock or a colony of ants.  To advocate any form or socialism, be it of the democratic variety, the communist variety, or indeed the mixed economy is to violate your very essence of being a human.

John Locke in his “Two Treatises of Government” spells out that property or,  if you like all resources exist prior to any government. Man mixes his labour with what he finds and it is by right his. Government cannot ‘dispose of the estates of the subjects arbitrarily’. Locke left us with a conundrum called “Locke’s proviso.” This is where if a man mixes his labour to own something that was not owned before; he must always leave a “sufficient” amount for other human beings.

Jesus Huerta de Soto, one of the greatest living polymath Austrian School teachers in his essay “The Ethics of Capitalism” http://www.acton.org/files/mm-v2n2-desoto.pdf , shows us how possibly the other living giant of the Austrian School, Israel Kirzner in “Discovery, Capitalism, and Distributive Justice”  has solved this proviso of Locke. And allows us to build the objective moral ethic of capitalism.

Socialist, social democrats and a large body of modern day liberals and conservatives have a distributive conception of justice that is about a top down approach of redistribution of scarce resources from those who do have to those who that have less, or nothing , or whose lobby groups has succeeded in extracting something from those that have. Kirzner shows us how as all human being are creative actor: they are always engaging in entrepreneurial activity to generate new goods and services.  All human beings are alert to opportunity, some to a greater degree than others. The fruits of this alertness arises via their actions. This is universally so. To not act would not create these things. So he proposes an axiom that all human beings have a natural right to the fruits of their own entrepreneurial creativity.  As these things are created out of nothing, it implies that the acting person has an undoubted right to the quiet and peaceful enjoyment of the fruits of his or her labour. If it did not exist before, it cannot be a negative to anyone else.  So Locke’s proviso is overcome by the understanding of society as dynamic and spontaneous constantly evolving process with alert actors constantly creating new goods and services that they must have an unquestionable right to own.

De Soto coins the term ‘Dynamic Efficiency’ to describe this process. He also points out that the free market capitalist system – that we know is the most efficient system – is also the most just and in fact, these two concepts are indeed two sides of the same one coin. Any form of intervention is immoral as it impedes the creative capacity of individuals to express their creativity and create all the wide range of goods and services we have. It should be pointed out that top down provision of health, education, transport, industry etc is inefficient and hence unjust as it suppresses the creative activity of human beings.  Absent the profit motive and you will get sub optimal results.

Do Soto points out that the last Pope, Pope John Paul II in his Centesimus Annus http://www.vatican.va/holy_father/john_paul_ii/encyclicals/documents/hf_jp-ii_enc_01051991_centesimus-annus_en.html , which built on the earlier work of the Rerum Novarum http://www.vatican.va/holy_father/leo_xiii/encyclicals/documents/hf_l-xiii_enc_15051891_rerum-novarum_en.html of Pope Leo XIII, established the universal moral capitalist ethic by acknowledging the natural right (God given) to express your very creativity unhindered so long and you hinder no one else.

First Principle: Theological – God Endowed Rights

I Exist

Writing about the morality of capitalism in glowing positive terms as I have done above and setting it in the backdrop of universally applicable objective axioms is not as unfashionable as talking to any thinking person about God, but only just! Such is the secular society we live in; you are considered to be an ill informed mystic should you engage in “god bothering.”  The See of Peter would naturally see this differently and I am very grateful for De Soto to direct me to the pro capitalist teachings of the Catholic Church.

Are the above self evident axioms that are universally applicable in all times and in all places to everybody there because we are human or are they there because they are God endowed?

I can ague both, but I favour self evident God endowed over self evident secular, although the latter can stand on its own legs. Why?

I wrote this article about the proof God three years ago: http://www.lewrockwell.com/orig4/baxendale2.html . In short, I take the Aristotelian inspired position that as I exist I know that other physical things exist. I know that each and every one of these physical things must have been caused by another physical thing. I know that nothing is infinite. If it was, I would not exist as for it to be infinite, it would occupy all time and space and I would not exist. As I exist, I know this cannot be the case. I know there is a beginning to the universe and that there are physical boundaries  to the universe, therefore I know there cannot be an infinite series of physical causes and effects as there would be no boundary and no beginning. Therefore what caused the first physical thing must indeed be immaterial if it cannot be a physical cause. This immaterial thing is what I label as ‘God’.  So I conclude God does exist and the only act I can attribute to God by a priori reasoning is that God created everything. As I like to exist I am very grateful for this and can only conclude that God has good intentions.  If I do not like to exist, I can choose not to and commit suicide. God is therefore good for me and objectively good for all human beings.  As God has created everything, he has endowed us with the ability to reason and engage in the formation of reasoned propositions, the latter which is undoubtedly a unique attribute to mankind the former quite possible unique to mankind, sets the foundation for the derivation of the rights of man and the very ethics of capitalism.

Further reading

Economics

Why I Founded the Cobden Centre

Toby BaxendaleI founded the Cobden Centre inspired by the writing of F A Hayek, particularly his reference in “Denationalization of Money: the Argument Refined” (IEA, 1976) from which the following quote is taken.

Free Money Movement

What we now need is a Free Money Movement comparable to the Free Trade Movement of the 19th century, demonstrating not merely the harm caused by acute inflation, which could justifiably be argued to be avoidable even with present institutions, but the deeper effects of producing periods of stagnation that are indeed inherent in the present monetary arrangements.

Now of course that Free Trade Movement was the movement set up by the businessman and radical social reforming liberal, Richard Cobden. Hayek knew that the original founders of that movement attacked the import tariffs or “Corn Laws” that harmed ordinary people. The Corn Laws forced the price of basic food stuffs so high that the working man was almost paying what we would pay today on our mortgages.

The legal privilege that this gave landowners to price gouge the masses at the expense of the privileged few was an outrage and the courageous corn law reformers did away with this invidious protection by repealing the Importation Act of 1815 with the Importation Act of 1846.

In Bright, J. and Thorold Rogers, J.E. (eds.) [1870](1908) Speeches on Questions of Public Policy by Richard Cobden, M.P., Vol. 1, London: T. Fisher Unwin, republished as Cobden, R. (1995), London: Routledge/Thoemmes, they cite a quote from a working man who sums up the iniquities of the Corn Laws that Richard Cobden used:

When provisions are high, the people have so much to pay for them that they have little or nothing left to buy clothes with; and when they have little to buy clothes with, there are few clothes sold; and when there are few clothes sold, there are too many to sell, they are very cheap; and when they are very cheap, there cannot be much paid for making them: and that, consequently, the manufacturing working man’s wages are reduced, the mills are shut up, business is ruined, and general distress is spread through the country. But when, as now, the working man has the said 25s. left in his pocket, he buys more clothing with it (ay, and other articles of comfort too), and that increases the demand for them, and the greater the demand…makes them rise in price, and the rising price enables the working man to get higher wages and the masters better profits. This, therefore, is the way I prove that high provisions make lower wages, and cheap provisions make higher wages.

Sir Robert Peel, who was Prime Minster at the time, was very educated in the works of Hume, Ricardo and Smith: he understood the law of comparative advantage. With a massive starving Irish population (the “potato famine”) and pressure from the likes of Cobden at home, Peel powered through the repeal of the laws. In Morley, J. (1905) The Life of Richard Cobden, 12th ed., London: T. Fisher Unwin, 985 p., republished by London: Routledge/Thoemmes (1995), Peel said in his resignation speech after the repeal had been done for the UK:

In reference to our proposing these measures, I have no wish to rob any person of the credit which is justly due to him for them. But I may say that neither the gentlemen sitting on the benches opposite, nor myself, nor the gentlemen sitting round me—I say that neither of us are the parties who are strictly entitled to the merit. There has been a combination of parties, and that combination of parties together with the influence of the Government, has led to the ultimate success of the measures. But, Sir, there is a name which ought to be associated with the success of these measures: it is not the name of the noble Lord, the member for London, neither is it my name. Sir, the name which ought to be, and which will be associated with the success of these measures is the name of a man who, acting, I believe, from pure and disinterested motives, has advocated their cause with untiring energy, and by appeals to reason, expressed by an eloquence, the more to be admired because it was unaffected and unadorned—the name which ought to be and will be associated with the success of these measures is the name of Richard Cobden. Without scruple, Sir, I attribute the success of these measures to him.

The pound Sterling has lost some 99% of its value since the suspension of commodity-backed money post World War I, as successive governments have chosen not to confront their electorates in an honest fashion and say how much all the activities they say they are doing for you to get your vote will cost you. Instead, tax receipts pick up the majority of the costs of government, but there is always a bit of debt they choose to monetize. This means printing it out of nothing or creating it electronically our of nothing, a term which today is now called QE or quantitive easing.

So, instead of a Free Money Movement, I have started what I call the “Honest Money Movement”.

Why do I use the word honest?

Well I simply use it to show that, like the iniquitous Corn Laws that our forefathers sought to destroy as they gave privilege and wealth to one minority party at the expense of the masses, governments can take everyone’s wealth to benefit them and the few who organize this wealth transfer for them, i.e. the Central Bank and its client banks in the private sector who organize bond sales and purchases. They get the new money wealth effect first, just like the aristocratic land owners of old got the excess price of corn at the expense of the masses of working people.

If honest money is demanded, a government can no longer monetize debt it has to live or fall by its tax receipts only. This means when a politician comes to you at election time with a menu saying “we are going to give you X and Y” they will now have to say, “we propose to take £A and £B from you and give £A and £B to Mr X and Mrs Y” and you can then decide the merits of this knowing what you are getting yourself involved with.

Sir Robert Peel plays another role in our story. He was the first Prime Minster to do something about the bad effects of private sector bankers issuing notes purporting to convert into gold on demand. The trouble being, just as the landed aristocrats kept corn high at the expense of the wealth of the people, so the goldsmiths issued promises to pay on demand on bits of paper that functioned as money, over the actual amount of gold in their safe keeping. This criminality was stopped by the Bank Charter Act of 1844: the original text can be seen here and the amended text, that is still in force today, can be seen here.

Unfortunately for us, there was no restriction on the creation of demand deposits. A demand deposit is where a bank creates an IOU or a bank deposit out of thin air which functions as money.

You as the deposit holder can make payments to anyone who will accept your transfer of this IOU to them. Whenever you write a cheque it is drawn on a bank deposit, whenever you make an electronic payment, you make it from a bank deposit. In Peel’s day, there were over 20 bits of paper, called promissory notes, issued by the goldsmiths of the day, to every unit of gold. When people tried to redeem in gold, there was a “panic” and bust followed the boom.

The rapid creation of bank demand deposits since then has had the same effect. I seek to encourage an amendment to the Bank Charter Act to include deposits and finish off the job that Peel so courageously started. This would stop credit-fuelled boom and bust. All booms and busts, even the South Sea Bubble and the Tulip Mania, can be traced back to credit-fuelled binges that have been created by governments. Remove this power from the governments and their proxies, the bankers, and we can have honest money, peaceful enjoyment of the fruits of our labours and the enrichment of only those who earn it.

A starting point to advance this honest money movement is our banking reform proposal is available here. I hope you will help push for reform and end dishonest money and dishonest government.

More information

  • Toby’s interview with Brian Micklethwait explores Toby’s philosophy in more detail: it can be found here.
  • The staggering errors behind the policy of QE.
  • In The Causes of the Economic Crisis, Mises forecasts and explains the breakdown of the German mark and the market crash of 1929: buy here or read online here (PDF).

Politics

Conservatives: Power to public sector workers

In an exciting development, the Conservatives have announced employee-owned cooperatives for the public sector:

A Conservative government will give public sector workers a powerful new right to form employee owned co-operatives to take over the services they deliver. This will empower millions of public sector workers to become their own boss and help them to deliver better services.

This is the most significant shift in power from the state to working people since the sale of council houses in the 1980s, which gave millions of people across Britain greater freedom, security and control over their lives.

The new right to form employee owned co-operatives will apply throughout the vast majority of the public sector – including JobCentre Plus offices, community nursing teams and primary schools. Employee owned co-operatives will continue to be funded by the state so long as they meet national standards, but will be freed from centralised bureaucracy and political micromanagement. They will be not-for-profit organisations – any financial surpluses will be reinvested into the service and the staff who work there, rather than distributed to external shareholders.

Over the years, our Chief Executive, Dr Tim Evans, has written a great deal on mutual, co-operative and worker ownership. See for example This Stockholm Network Paper. We are delighted that the policy debate is moving in this direction.

Read more here.

Economics

How much is your pound or dollar actually worth since government has been in control of money?

The answer is that the US dollar has lost 98.17% of its purchasing power and the pound sterling 99.42% of its purchasing power. Well done then, I suppose, for surpassing even the great tyrants of old who plagued the citizenry of both nations!

Some History

Gold was money for a large part of mankind’s history.

It was discovered by early man to be the most marketable of commodities. As such, the free interaction of people led to this commodity being adopted as the final thing for which all goods and services were traded. This discovery allowed man to lift himself from direct exchange, or barter, of his goods and services to indirect exchange. This indirect exchange allowed the universal application of the division and specialization of labour that has, in turn, given us all the material prosperity we have today. The discovery of money, then, must rank along with language as arguably the most important invention or discovery in the whole course of human history.

Note that, like language, money was not created by the State but by the private and spontaneous interaction of free individuals.

There are many stories in history of wicked monarchs who, to fund their various despotic regimes or lifestyles, would call in the coinage of the realm, extract a small percentage of gold — a “clip” — and then add an impurity before giving them back to the public; this is debasing of the monetary unit. This embezzlement was unlawful for the minter in the private sector and many people over the ages have been executed for stealing from money owners in this way but the monarch usually got away with it. One of the most notable examples in history was when Emperor Nero reduced the value of the denarius from being pure silver weighing 4 grams to 3.8 grams. His financial gain was enormous.

Another great example of history is our very own tyrant per excellence, Henry the VIII. He reduced the weight of sliver in the silver penny to 1/3rd of its purity from 0.925 to 0.250. By the reign of Elizabeth I, the Tudor financier Sir Thomas Gresham had to negotiate a loan from the Antwerp traders to provide more money for her nation. Sir Thomas came back and said

It may please your majesty to understand, that the first occasion of the fall of exchange did grow by the King majesty, your late father, in abasing his coin … which was the occasion that all your fine gold was conveyed out of this your realm.

What became know as Gresham’s law is that “Bad money drives out good under legal tender laws”. In Europe this is know as the Copernicus Law, as he was saying the same thing on the continent. The great medieval philosopher and theologian Nicole d’Oresme was the inspiration of Copernicus on this matter.

Economics of the Matter

A debasement always meant an inflation. Why? As there was more coinage in circulation chasing a similar amount of goods and services for sale, prices rose.

No less a figure than John Maynard Keynes in Economic Consequences of the Peace (1920), said:

By a continuous process of inflation, governments can confiscate, secretly and unobserved, an important part of the wealth of their citizens. By this method, they not only confiscate, but they confiscate arbitrarily; and while the process impoverishes many, it actually enriches some.

This is from a man whose current disciples are inflating the western world’s money supply to a point that can only lead to rampant inflation.

We should remember the names which we have used to label money historically.  In the UK “sterling” and in the USA “dollar” each described a fixed weight of gold . Gold was the money unit, not sterling or dollar in itself.

Before World War I the pound sterling was worth $4.86856 and a dollar was worth 1/20th of an ounce of gold. For the sake of simplicity I will say that the pound sterling was defined as ¼ of an ounce of gold and the USA dollar 1/20th of an ounce.

So How Much is my Pound Sterling Worth Today?

The Maths

One ounce of gold today is worth $1,093.40 and 1/20 oz therefore $54.67 but the dollar pre World War I was just a name in the USA for 1/20 of an ounce of gold: what would have cost $1 before World War I would cost $54.67 today. The dollar has lost its purchasing power. In fact it has lost 98.17% of its purchasing power in 100 years. One dollar today should buy something like a single person’s weekly food shop, not a single daily newspaper.

The fate of the pound sterling has been even worse than that of the dollar. One ounce of gold today is £692.26. So if a pound sterling pre World War I was just a name in the UK for 1/4 of an ounce of gold, it would imply that the pre World War I purchasing price was 1/4 of £692.26 or £173.06. In fact the pound sterling has lost 99.42% of its purchasing power in 100 years. One pound should buy something like a good week’s food shop for a familiy of four and not just one daily newspaper like it would today.

Conclusion

Our modern day Neros and Henry VIIIs are those we call our Prime Ministers and our Presidents. We are told they are all well meaning men and women. That may well be the case. They have however, since World War I, sat on the single greatest debasement of our wealth in human history.

They do this via the monetization of their nations’ debt. A politician in power might have promised to give X, Y or Z group of people £X, £Y and £Z in exchange for voting for them. If the tax revenue is not enough, then they simply, out of thin air, either create more money — old style monetizing the debt to pay off the debt obligation — or, with a computer key, they open up a new bank deposit for themselves to pay or buy back some of their debt. This is called “QE” or Quantitive easing and we discuss the errors associated with it here.

Last year the UK raised over £200 billion by one part of the government issuing debt and the other part buying it. So £200 billion of new money is now in circulation. Nero and Henry VIII would blush at the brashness of this debasement. This is done wholly at the expense of yours and my very own purchasing power.

The Cobden Centre exists to promote honest money and social progress. Honest money is money that cannot be debased by governments to pay off liabilities they have incurred over and above their tax revenue. I outlined a banking reform proposal which advocated 100% reserve money here.  Staying within the existing paper money regime, one would need a bill to prevent the new issuance of either paper money or computer generated new bank deposits by the government. Ultimately, we must look at fully re rooting our paper money back into solid commodities that the government cannot destroy or create at will.

Further Reading

Economics

Boris: The Greeks must be rueing the day they whacked the drachma

BJ’s excellent article today rightly draws comparison between the bailout of Greece and the bailout of Northern Rock.

He makes the excellent point that we should be grateful that the myth of monetary union without federalism is now starkly exposed.

His own shortcoming is that he does not quite understand the seriousness of the banking crisis and therefore his article ends at the crisis point with no solution apparent to the UK’s Greeklike problem, other than the implied debauching of the currency.

Without reform along the simple lines advocated by the Cobden Centre I fear that, even outside the Euro, the banking system may crash again.

Society

So it’s 28 million to Ron Paul and less than 6.5 to Karl Marx

When I was a child in the 1960s and 70s who could have imagined something like this? Forget the mindboggling sophistication of the technology. Today, if you do a Google search, US Congressman Ron Paul blows Karl Marx out of the water. Paul’s scores 28,800,000 search results to an unbelievably poor 6,260,000 for Marx.

Now, it is true that these things take a long time to play through, but as a sociologist I am excited by the long-term cultural, political and economic impact of these sorts of numbers for social reformers such as us.

For everyone at TCC, Paul’s recent book ‘End The Fed’ is a must read. Have you got your copy yet? Fascinating.

Society

People of the World Unite!

As a liberal free trade internationalist and speaking personally, I have always been suspicious of the state paraphernalia that goes with increasingly endless attempts to centrally plan where people can or cannot live on this planet. Passports, ID cards and point-based immigration visa systems all seem pretty potty to me – as do the massive state welfare systems that are required to legitimate their draconian deployment (“we can’t allow foreigners here to take our (nationalised) schoolsnhospitals” - http://www.libertarian.co.uk/lapubs/polin/polin061.pdf – and the like!).

Recently, I was working with an organisation in London that wanted to hire a US intern for a while but found that it could not do this because it could not afford the time and effort now required by the Home Office to fill in all its forms. And even if they did, they were pretty sure from the outset that their request would be turned down. What sort of national and socialistic craziness is this? Why turn away the money, know how and potential of bright eager people?

Now, while this concerns me, it is not really my bag. I don’t obsess about this issue day to day. But I am pleased that other people do. For example, I am really pleased that Jose Appleton and her excellent Manifesto Club- http://www.manifestoclub.com/about -
have just produced this marvelous new report, Fortress Academy - http://www.manifestoclub.com/files/FortressAcademy.pdf – which shows how the Home Office is insanely barring thousands of students from coming here. It is also mentioned in the Guardian here - http://www.guardian.co.uk/uk/2010/feb/11/clamdown-overseas-student-visas-funding.

Bravo, I say people of the world unite!

Economics

Do it for the money

Last year two police women (WPCs) were discovered to have a reciprocal child-minding arrangement. It was initially declared unlawful. Child minders who receive payment for their services must be registered with Ofsted. And receiving payment is not restricted to receiving money. Anything of value counts, including “free” minding of your own child. These unregistered WPCs were wrongdoers.

Public outrage at the absurdity of preventing friends from looking after each other’s children caused Ed Balls, the Secretary of State for Children, Schools and Families, to intervene. He declared that reciprocal childminding was not a kind of payment after all. The WPCs congratulated him on this small victory for common sense.

Which just goes to show that the common sense of WPCs cannot be relied upon. For, despite Mr Balls’ great powers, he cannot by mere proclamation stop reciprocal childminding from being a kind of payment. His decision simply exempts this barter payment from the tax that Ofsted’s rules and registration fees impose on childminding when other forms of payment are used.

If one of those WPCs quit her police job but offered to continue minding her friend’s child for £50 a day, Ofsted’s requirements would reimpose themselves. The child may be cared for by the same person in the same place, but the introduction of money to the deal would bring with it the state’s administrative and financial burdens. Mr Balls’ “common sense” intervention thus encourages a barter economy in childcare.

This is a silly thing to do. Because money is a better method of payment than barter. While the WPCs barter, they can consume the value of the childminding work they do only in the form of childminding for themselves. This means that they will restrict the amount of childminding they supply to the amount they want to consume. If they paid each other in cash, this restriction would disappear.

As all economists know, money increases the opportunities for trade. Limit its use and many potential transactions will not take place; valuable goods and services will not be produced. And, when they are, they will often be produced by the wrong people.

For where money-based exchange is restricted, people must produce a wider range of goods, either for their own consumption or to increase the chance of having something they can swap for something they want. This is unfortunate, because the more things you do, the worse you will be at them.

In short, discouraging the use of money constrains trade, which limits the division of labour, which leads to inefficiency. Politicians ought not do it. Yet they do it all the time. They impose burdens on activities when done in exchange for money that they otherwise leave alone.

Consider the minimum wage. I am not allowed to pay someone £4 to spend an hour shopping for me. According to our government, that would be unfair, even if my employee agreed to it. Yet I am free to add an hour to my own shopping by walking to a distant supermarket in search of a £4 saving.

I am also allowed to spend an hour cooking my dinner, even if I would be unwilling to pay someone more than £3 to do it for me. Contrary to what you may have read on the Directgov website, working for less than £5.80 an hour is not illegal in Britain. It is illegal only if the payment is made in money.

Taxes have the same effect. Since most are levied on money-based transactions (with the notable exceptions of poll and property taxes), they inhibit trade and, hence, the division of labour. And the greater the rate of tax, the greater this malign effect.

Suppose, for example, that you are willing to pay up to £10 an hour to have some work done, and that the cheapest qualified labourers are willing to work for anything over £9 an hour. Then you should find someone to do the job. But if incomes are taxed at 20 per cent, the most the labourers can earn from you is £8 an hour and they will be unwilling to take on your job. You will have to do it yourself or go without.

Britain’s enormous regulatory and tax burdens on trade lead to an excess of do-it-yourself. People with neither talent nor inclination cook, garden, teach, drive and shop, to name but a few of the more common amateur activities. They are thereby drawn away from doing things they are better at and enjoy more.

What is the cost of such restrictions on the division of labour? Terry Arthur of the Institute of Economic Affairs has estimated that, at current tax levels, the cost is two thirds of every pound of tax collected. In other words, the marginal cost of transferring a pound from private hands into the coffers of Her Majesty’s Revenue is 67 pence.

Mr Arthur may be wrong, of course; estimating such “invisible”, deadweight costs is notoriously difficult. But even if his estimate is three times the real cost, the implications are profound. Taxes, minimum wages and the other regulatory burdens the government places on money-based commerce are far more costly than politicians and voters seem to realise.

Indeed, most do not recognise this cost at all. Some lament the futility of a system in which people are taxed only to receive their money back in the form of government provided services, such as education and healthcare. But they fail to see that the spinning of this money-go-round creates a terrible economic drag.

Alas, there is no prospect of an end to this waste, even if politicians understood it. When invisible costs are incurred for the sake of visible benefits, a politician will never consider them too great.

Society

I predict a riot

Guest contributor Anita Acavalos, daughter of Advisory Board member Andreas Acavalos, explains the political and economic predicament in Greece.

In recent years, Greece has found itself at the centre of international news and public debate, albeit for reasons that are hardly worth bragging about. Soaring budget deficits coupled with the unreliable statistics provided by the government mean there is no financial newspaper out there without at least one piece on Greece’s fiscal profligacy.

Although at first glance the situation Greece faces may seem as simply the result of gross incompetence on behalf of the government, a closer assessment of the country’s social structure and people’s deep rooted political beliefs will show that this outcome could not have been avoided even if more skill was involved in the country’s economic and financial management

The population has a deep rooted suspicion of and disrespect for business and private initiative and there is a widespread belief that “big money” is earned by exploitation of the poor or underhand dealings and reflects no display of virtue or merit. Thus people feel that they are entitled to manipulate the system in a way that enables them to use the wealth of others as it is a widely held belief that there is nothing immoral with milking the rich because they are commonly perceived to be everything that is wrong with Greek society. In fact, the money the rich seem to have access to, is the cause of much discontent among people of all social backgrounds for example farmers and students. The reason for this is that the government for decades has run continuous campaigns promising people that it has not only the will but also the ABILITY to solve their problems and has established a system of patronages and hand-outs to this end.

Anything can be done in Greece provided someone has political connections, from securing a job to navigating the complexities of the Greek bureaucracy. The government routinely promises handouts to farmers after harsh winters and free education to all; every time there is a display of discontent they rush to appease the people by offering them more “solutions.” What they neglect to say is that these solutions cost money. Now that the money has run out, nobody can reason with an angry mob. Continue reading “I predict a riot”