Economics

Inflation and German sensibilities

Angela Merkel told the German Bundestag last Wednesday that in the absence of a deal on the eurozone debt crisis, “Nobody should take for granted another fifty years of peace and prosperity in Europe: if the euro fails, Europe fails”.

This perhaps encapsulates Germany’s fears, born out of experience, and it would be wrong to dismiss her statement, as many commentators have, as mere rhetoric. The whole concept of the European Coal and Steel Community, the original forerunner of the European Union, was to tie Germany and her neighbours together in a trade and political union to prevent future wars between them.

The EU has delivered peace and prosperity for Germany. It is reasonable to conclude, as Merkel does, that the destruction of the euro will reverse the political process. Post-war European politics has been largely based on these two premises. But there is a deeper point to Merkel’s statement, which has been forgotten in our modern world of fiat currencies: in history the greatest threats to peace and social stability have usually been associated with currency debasement. And here, Germany’s unhappy experience has become rooted in its people’s psyche.

Germany’s spending in the build-up and early years of the First World War was financed purely by monetary inflation, and even by 1917, 85% of the cost was paid for by new paper money. This came about as a result of the economic advice at the time, principally from Georg Knapp, who believed that money is a government product and should be free of other constraints. For the Kaiser, it was like having a modern Keynesian economist advising a government today that it has a right to finance itself through monetary inflation. It was therefore hardly surprising that an ambitious Kaiser, having been shown how to finance the expansion of Germany by attacking its neighbours, actually did so.

The social consequences of printing money are entirely supported by economic theory of the Austrian School of economists and the lessons of history. It boils down to a simple fact: any electorate can be patriotically roused for war, so long as it doesn’t have to pay for it. And that is the lie behind monetary inflation. If you print money to finance a war instead of raising taxes, for a time, no one notices the cost.

Germany has been through this lesson twice in the last century, so her people instinctively understand the chaos that results. It is the rest of Europe, with the exception perhaps of Austria, which has forgotten it. So let us state it loud and clear: sound money is the best guarantee of peace, while fiat money is a precondition for chaos.

So Angela Merkel is right, but the pressure from other euroland and G20 states will be difficult to resist. They have placed their trust in an expanded bailout fund to be supported partly by the EU’s Asian trading partners, which if it gets off the ground will do so at the expense of the dollar. The trouble will come if the European Central Bank is also expected to fund it, which so far is assumed by many but not discussed. Any major injection of ECB money into the fund will be extremely controversial in Germany, and therefore should not be taken as read.

Economics

Europe’s future is coming into focus: hyperinflation

As you know, my expectations were low to begin with. I did not expect the EU summit on the debt crisis to provide a solution. There is no solution. The situation is beyond repair and the crisis will continue to unravel.

What struck me most when reading the first responses to the EU summit was this: most of what you get from the mainstream media pundits or from the financial economists on Wall Street or in the City of London not only misses the relevant points, it usually gets things completely the wrong way round. What these analysts suggest is good policy and needs to be done is almost always bad policy and should be avoided under any circumstances.

Let’s go through the salient points:

1. Write-down of Greek debt to 50%

“Private sector involvement,” aptly abbreviated PIS, is one of those dreadful, perverted phrases that conceal more than they explain. The private sector here means of course the banks that were stupid enough to give billions of euros to Greek politicians.

We all know what happens under capitalism to lenders who give money to borrowers who end up being unable to pay: they lose their money. That is how it should be. That’ll teach them and hopefully make them more prudent lenders in the future. Alas, this is Europe, so there is no capitalism, and you can negotiate your losses with the political class and agree on the ‘appropriate’ haircut. In July, a 20 percent write-off was agreed, now this was upped to 50. Either number is entirely arbitrary.

The positively Orwellian phrase “private sector involvement” makes it sound as if these poor banks were just innocent bystanders – and respectable members of the private sector for that matter – who got dragged into this unfortunate business at no fault of their own.

For how much should the ‘private’ sector be ‘involved’? Well, I would say for exactly as much as it chose to involve itself in the first place by voluntarily lending money to the Greek government. I mean, have the risk managers and credit analysts at the likes of Credit Agricole and Societe Generale ever been to Athens and inspected the bottomless pit in which their loans were dumped? Or have they from the start assumed that the German taxpayer or the ECB would cover their losses?

Of course, a haircut of 50 percent, as now agreed in Brussels, is better than the ridiculous 20 percent, or so, ‘agreed’ in July. But looking at Greece’s dire financial situation the haircut should be at least 60 percent, or maybe 90, or 100. As I said here and here, there is no reason for the Greek citizens of this and future generations to suffer endlessly because of the corruption of their past governments and the stupidity of their bankers. Embrace default! Just stop paying, go bankrupt, shrink your government, role up your sleeves and start from scratch. After a complete and proper default the state will not get loans easily again, which coincidentally is an additional bonus of a complete government default, it keeps your future politicians honest. That would be the free-market solution. But again we are in Europe.

An even bigger haircut, one decided not by political horse-trading but by the market and Greece’s true ability to pay, would be more helpful for the Greeks and would conveniently discipline the bankers. Why is it not considered? Well, the politicians don’t like it because it would shut much of the government bond market down and make it difficult or impossible for them to keep running deficits of their own, and also because the banks have skilfully booby-trapped the entire financial system with explosive CDS (credit default swaps) that get triggered if the “private sector involvement” gets too big. The bankers resemble increasingly financial terrorists: If you don’t bail us out we blow the whole place up!

Bottom-line: A haircut of 50 percent is better than 20 but it is still too little for Greece, and the whole idea that the ‘private’ sector negotiates losses with the politicians doesn’t bode well for the future.

2. Fiscal coordination.

Nothing specific was agreed at the summit but this is where we are going, and the mainstream economists are cheering for it.

For years now we have heard this in endless macroeconomic research pamphlets and newspaper editorials: There can be no monetary union without a fiscal union. This is, of course, utter nonsense. Complete rubbish. And it doesn’t get any more right by repeating it at nauseam.

The money of capitalism, of the free market and global trade, has always been gold (or silver, but I will refer to gold here). A gold standard is the oldest and best currency union imaginable, and I would argue, the only one workable. Under a gold standard various countries and their governments use the same currency, gold. There is no central bank and no printing press. Governments have to make do with the income they generate from taxing their local population. In such a system, the state has to live, just like any other entity in society, within its means. Apparently, this is a truly fantastical notion for today’s politicians and mainstream economists. Under a gold standard, the state may also borrow from the market but it is clear to the lenders that they assume full risk of default. There is no lender of last resort. This is a powerful constraint on government largesse.

The Greek crisis was a good test to see how closely the European fiat money union could resemble the workings of a proper gold standard. In theory at least, and as intended by the original designs for EMU, there should have been no bailout and the whole mess should have been a local affair between the Greek government and its lenders, just as it would be under a gold standard.

All this nonsense about the falling apart of the euro was, of course, needless scaremongering, albeit politically motivated. When a government defaults under a gold standard, there is no reason why any other government should give up gold as a currency. Had the no-bailout provision been adhered to, there would equally have been no reason why a Greek default should have affected the acceptance and the usability of the euro in any of the other countries, nor for the Greeks themselves. A currency union does not require a fiscal union. Quod erat demonstrandum.

But EMU is no gold standard, and it already failed its first test of whether it could even be a currency union of some discipline. The gold standard was abandoned globally precisely so that governments would not have to live within their means. The euro is political paper money, fiat money, and issued to allow persistent fiscal irresponsibility, as is any other paper currency. Central banks have always been created to fund the state and the banks. The ECB is no different.

This is the global picture in 2011: After 40 years of complete paper money, public debt around the world has reached such momentous dimensions that the major central banks are now increasingly funding the state directly. This is what is happening in the U.S., the UK and increasingly the eurozone, and it is either accepted with suspicious equanimity or enthusiastically supported by bank economists and the inflationistas in the mainstream media. The trend is the same pretty much everywhere. It is only that within the eurozone it is less clear which government has first call on the printing press. In other paper money economies this can be done more straightforwardly.

To assume that some form of institutional framework for fiscal coordination will discipline the European governments and reduce the desire for ongoing central bank debt monetization is at least naïve, if not outright stupid. All governments in Europe are fiscally irresponsible, even the German one. In the run-up to EMU Germany imposed the Maastricht criteria on her European partners. Anyone remember the 60 percent debt to GDP limit? Laughable. Today Germany is at 83 percent and rising, which may look relatively prudent if compared to Belgium or Greece, but if Germany has to pay up on its already agreed upon commitments under the European Financial Stability Fund, she will go above 90 percent in one giant leap, roughly where Ireland was when her creditors said ‘no mas’! Germany may have the lowest unemployment rate in twenty years and, last year, had the highest GDP growth in twenty years, but she is still running deficits, accumulating debt every year, just like anybody else in Europe.

On a long enough time line, everywhere is Greece!

Bottom-line: We will see a plethora of treaty changes, top-level EU summits and other pointless boondoggles. All to no avail. To assume that governments will not collectively resort to the printing press and that they will instead discipline one another when all of them are long-standing, habitual and incorrigible fiscal offenders, is beyond ridiculous! If you believe it, call me, I may have something I want to sell you!

3. ‘Unlimited firepower’ courtesy of the central bank

I guess you might argue that it could have been worse. Merkel could have given in to demands by Sarkozy to use the ECB straight away to leverage the €440 billion bailout fund. Seems like she didn’t, and Sarkozy will have to go, hat in hand, to the Chinese and see if they have some change to spare. However, this is not a long-term solution and once Italy and Spain are in trouble, the bailout fund will be depleted.

One of the most shocking aspects of this crisis is how acceptable it has become for the mainstream economists and the pundits in the media to point towards the ‘unlimited resources’ of the ECB. True, a fiat money central bank can print unlimited amounts of paper and electronic money to bailout everybody, the government, the banks, the pension funds, etc. It is just that such a policy used to be advocated only by suicidal cranks, as it is a sure recipe for complete currency annihilation. Today, established and supposedly highly regarded economists point out the importance of ‘keeping the ECB engaged’ because only the ECB has the ‘unlimited’ resources to underwrite the boundless fiscal profligacy of modern democratic governments and their vote-buying political elites, and to underwrite the gargantuan debt pile.

As the hysterical calls by the inflationistas for a bold ECB policy get ever shriller, Mario Draghi, the new money-printer-in-chief for Europe, has already signalled his support for the ECB’s debt monetization policy, that is, ongoing buying of depressed and ultimately worthless government bonds with the help of the euro-printing press.

Anyone who has any savings stored in the euro-area should be extremely concerned about what is going on here, and in particular about the tone of the debate. When the mainstream speaks of ‘unlimited’ resources of the ECB, they do in fact mean unlimited. The creation of new euro-currency units will be without ANY LIMIT. And the remaining inflation will also be without limit.

Bottom-line: On the face of it, the German position has won: deeper haircuts and no use of the ECB for leveraging the EFSF for now. But where is the money for the larger EFSF going to come from? Italy and Spain will remain under pressure. Nobody has the money to save them or to recapitalize the banks again when the big deficit countries lose access to the market and fail. The ECB is not off the hook. Resorting to the printing press has become a global policy theme for the past three years, and sadly such thinking is now part of the mainstream. The balance sheet of the ECB will not shrink, it will grow. There is no exit strategy. Pressure for further and accelerated monetization of debt, of budget deficits and bank balance sheets will continue and intensify. The endgame will be inflation.

Economics

US money supply growing fast

This article was previously published at GoldMoney.com.  For an explanation of the different Austrian measures of the money supply (AMS, TMS, and MA), see the recent paper from Kaleidic Economics,  “An introduction to a new measure of the money supply: MA” (PDF).

With all the troubles of Europe hogging the headlines, commentators are ignoring money supply in the US, which is growing strongly, with the broad measure of M2 growing by over 10% for the last 12 months. Furthermore, the annualised growth rate over the last six months has been above 15%. The story told by the True Money Supply confirms this.

The reason for using TMS is simple. According to the Ludwig von Mises Institute, it represents the amount of money in the economy available for exchange. Furthermore, it is designed to clearly show any expansion that results solely from central bank injections of cash and commercial banks’ credit creation, by excluding anything that has to be converted into cash first, such as credit and money market funds. It is therefore a pure measure of money in the economy available to be used for transactions, more pure than official MZM, M0 or any other central bank “M” measures.

In economic theory this is important, because money is simply a commodity that happens to be used exclusively as a medium of exchange. And as a commodity, its value ultimately depends on its supply and the demand for it. By using TMS we keep the relationship between actual money and prices pure from other arguable factors.

The growth in US dollar TMS over the long-term is shown in the chart below. From this chart it can be seen that following a pause in its long-term trend at the time of the 2007-08 financial crisis, TMS has been growing strongly ever since.

The bulk of the growth has been in check deposits (customer current accounts) and savings deposits (instant access accounts) at the banks. Some commentators point out that this reflects cash not being spent and cash representing risk-averse hoarding. But this opinion ignores the fact that the cash is being used, because the banks have lent it to the government, and the government is distributing it into the economy.

So this cash does amount to extra supply of money, which will be gradually reflected in a fall in its purchasing power. Given that the acceleration in TMS dates back to 2009, we are already seeing this, with ShadowStats.com, which applies an unbiased statistical rigour to key statistics, estimating actual inflation to be running considerably higher than official estimates.

The other aspects (other than of money that is) of the pricing effects of supply-and-demand is the variability of demand for individual goods. And here, the picture – as always – is uneven. Welfare, defence and healthcare spending by government maintain demand for energy, food, defence and healthcare-related items. Banking and related financial services are also doing well, despite balance sheet problems, as they are closest to the source of the new money (in this case, the Federal Reserve). Much of the rest, as business surveys and unemployment statistics confirm, is patchy at best. So there are identifiable winners and losers in pricing, and the expansion of TMS is feeding through to those goods, demand for which is supported by government spending.

With this monetary background, it is likely that the big headache for 2012 will be persistent and rising price inflation for the US and other economies tied to the dollar. So we can expect stagflation to be in everyone’s vocabulary in the New Year, which will inevitably lead to pressure for interest rates to rise sooner rather than later.

Economics

Reasons to support sound money

Speech to the Committee for Monetary Research and Education

At the Fall Meeting, 20th October 2011.

Before addressing the consequences of today’s macro-economic policies I want to tell you my philosophy. I support sound money for two very good reasons:

1.      Firstly, it is a basic human right to choose to save, without our savings being debased by the tax of monetary inflation. Those that are worst affected by this inflation tax are not the rich (they benefit), but the poor and the barely well-off, which is why monetary inflation undermines society and why the right to sound money should be respected. If government gives itself a monopoly over money, it has a duty to protect the property rights vested in it.

2.      Secondly, it is a basic right for us to own our own money rather than have it owned by the banks. For them to take our money and expand credit on the back of it debases it. It is an abuse of an individual’s property rights and a banking licence is a government licence to do so. If anyone else was to do this, they would be guilty of fraud. Banks should be custodians of our money, and it should not appear on their balance sheets as their property.

If we had stuck to these sound money principles, several benefits automatically follow, some of which I will briefly summarise for you, and I will have a little more to say about them in a moment:

1.      With sound money, governments cannot print money to fund their activities, so the true cost of government becomes apparent to the electorate. The result is that in a democracy the electorate votes for small government because profligate politicians simply do not get elected. Indeed, we need sound money for democracy to work.

2.      With sound money, governments are unable to go to war without taxpayers being conscious of the true cost. This is a great incentive for peace and an electorate that accepts the benefits of free markets, and therefore peaceful trade, is less belligerent.

3.      With sound money, savings are protected. Prices tend to fall gradually over time, reflecting improved efficiencies in production and of economic progress generally. So the purchasing power of savings increases over the years. For a pensioner, the purchasing power of his savings grows. He can then afford the healthcare he increasingly requires as he ages, and he can afford to leave something for his family when he dies. His savings work with his needs, which is the opposite of the situation in our inflation-ridden economies. In a sound money economy, our pensioners look after themselves and need not be a burden on the state.

4.      With sound money, business cycles do not occur. The business cycles we are familiar with are in fact credit-driven cycles, the result of central banks expanding money and overseeing bank credit. They are the result of the misconception that monetary expansion leads to growth. It doesn’t: it merely distorts the economy by favouring a select few at the expense of the many.

These are just some of the benefits of sound money; benefits we can only dream about today. So long as we have unsound money we will have difficulties that will always end in a crisis. Today, we have sunk to the point where the answer to everything is found in more money and bank credit instead of the genuine production of goods and services.

The long-term consequence of monetary inflation is that voters now believe that a government always has the money to provide everything they need. So they naturally vote for more government. They do not question the source of government’s money. They have also been encouraged to believe that the freedom for everyone to do what they want with their own money only enriches the few, when the opposite is the case. People have become genuinely frightened by the thought of free markets. For this reason, governments regulate most of the private sector. Between government spending and government regulation, the private sector is now dominated by government interference. A minimal amount of capitalism is tolerated in economies that are otherwise socialistic; yet our ills are blamed on the only part of the economy that actually works.

The most effective curb on political ambition is sound money. But we don’t have sound money. So government abuses its monopoly power over the currency to pay for its ambitions.  Fiat money gives a free rein to the ambitious politician. The First World War was made possible by German economists, led by George Knapp, the Keynes of his day. He showed the Kaiser the way to finance a war without increasing taxes. In the four years from 1913 the Reichsbank increased paper money in circulation to pay for 85% of Germany’s war expenditure for those years. Of course, after that the script did not go to plan, and as we all know it ended with the total collapse of the currency in 1923.

Collapse the currency, and you collapse savings. Savings today are continually devalued by the expansion of money and credit. Only a fool lends his money for an interest return, and savers are therefore forced to speculate to protect themselves. The result is that there is now a separate destabilising pool of foot-loose capital. It is used by the financial engineers of Wall Street and the City of London to offer higher speculative returns. It has become the feedstock for spendthrift borrowers, particularly governments, who have no intention of ever repaying it.

The damage of unsound money to business has been acute. Business cycles are actually credit cycles, the result of the central banks’ monetary policies. It is easy to understand why the expansion of money and credit drives us into cycles of boom and bust – the exact opposite of what it is meant to achieve.

Take the example of businesses operating with sound money. A business developing a new product or improving an existing one has to invest its own funds, or find a lender with savings. In either case, this takes money away from consumption, money that is reallocated into savings and from there into the proposed investment. And because this money is not spent on consumption, the labour and raw materials required for any new project become available. There is a shift of resources from consumption into savings, from savings into investment, and from there into capital goods. A balance is maintained within the economy and there is no boom and bust. It is a non-cyclical process, driven only by peoples’ economic needs. Business activity is inherently stable.

Now look at the situation when business investment is financed by newly created money and bank credit instead of savings. The process starts with the central bank lowering interest rates. Cheap credit makes investment appear attractive, so the businessman borrows to invest in his business. But many other businessmen are encouraged by the same cheap credit to do the same thing at the same time.

Businesses start investing simultaneously. The randomness has gone. But it gets worse: cheap money also supports consumption, because saving money is less attractive due to lower interest rates.

So our businessman has to bid up for labour, because it hasn’t been released by lower consumption, and he is in competition with the other businesses also taking advantage of cheap credit. He has to pay up for raw materials, for the same reasons. The combination of industry and consumers responding to cheap finance, in the short-term will drive the economy better. But with no extra resources available, prices rise due to bunched demand. And since the quantity of money in the economy has increased, its purchasing-power also falls; exacerbating price inflation even more.

And with prices now rising strongly, interest rates also now rise from artificially low levels. Our businessman’s plans are totally screwed. He got the cost of labour and raw materials completely wrong, and because interest rates have shot up, his Return-On-Investment calculations turn out to be far too optimistic. And to make matters worse, the deteriorating economic conditions that follow, as surely as night follows day, force him to accept that his sales projections were also too optimistic.

His fellow entrepreneurs are in the same boat. Businesses start cutting back. They act as a crowd on the way up and on the way down.

The essential point is fake money has created a business cycle which didn’t exist before. It is never just a question of central banks getting their timing wrong, as many suppose.

The central bank then compounds the problems it has created by again lowering interest rates with the downturn. More than anything else it is scared of a fall in GDP, so it cannot allow the distortions and false investments of the earlier round of monetary stimulation to unwind properly.

But next time round, the businessman is not so easily tricked. He builds greater margins into his investment calculations. So the economy becomes slower to respond to a new, deeper round of interest rate cuts. The central bank has to act more aggressively to create yet more fake money, to get a result.

These credit expansions work like a ratchet, becoming more destabilising over each credit cycle.

The businessman eventually wises up, overcomes his patriotic instincts and moves his manufacturing to somewhere where at least some of the factors of production are available. He needs to plan for ten, fifteen, twenty years. He cannot afford to ride destructive credit-driven cycles of three or four years. It is cheaper for him to build a factory in the jungle and train up hard-working natives. It is unsound money that has driven him abroad more than any other factor. Over a number of these credit cycles, the economy in countries with falling savings, like the US and UK, becomes more and more dependent on consumption, and less and less on manufacturing.

And eventually, to encourage GDP growth, consumers are encouraged to actually borrow to spend and abandon saving altogether. So on every credit cycle, savings diminish and debt increases, finally accelerating to unsustainable levels of debt. And that is where we arrived in 2008. That marked the end of the road for the post-war Keynesian experiment.

So understanding our economic condition from a sound money perspective gives us a unique viewpoint. It makes it easier to see through the fog of weak money. It also allows us to see through the problems posed by reconciling contrary statistics. And it is here that the establishment deludes itself as well as the rest of us.

The abuse of the GDP statistic is the most important delusion of all, because all economic policy is directed at ensuring it grows. But we must stop and think what it actually represents. GDP is not economic output, it is its money-value, which is a very different thing. It gives us no information about the relative values of the goods and services that constitute the economy.

It is crucial to appreciate this distinction, so by way of explanation let us again assume sound money. This is like an economy operating with gold as money and without credit expansion. To keep it simple, assume that trade is in balance, and there are no net capital flows to or from other countries. Therefore, at the end of the year, there is exactly the same amount of money, or gold, as there was at the start of the year.

What does this mean for GDP? It is exactly the same of course, irrespective of actual economic activity. It doesn’t matter how much people save, because those savings are reapplied into the production of capital goods. The rest goes on consumption. It really doesn’t matter what proportion is private sector and how much is government. But if you start with a million ounces of gold, after a year you still have a million ounces of gold. The only difference is what a million ounces buys. The reconciliation between the start and the end of the year is obviously a combination of prices and how efficiently the available gold is deployed.

In practice, human nature constantly strives for improvement, so over a period of time in a free market the purchasing power of sound money increases. This was borne out by the experience of Britain, which went on the gold standard in 1821 and only went off it before the First World War. During that time, Britain freed up her economy by dropping tariffs and other restrictions on free trade, and we became the most powerful nation on earth. The purchasing power of the gold sovereign increased substantially over those ninety-odd years.

So if we look at how an economy operates in a sound-money environment, we see that the benefits of free-markets flow to consumers, savers and businesses. We can see that any attempt to measure these benefits by changes in GDP are simply absurd. It therefore follows that any change in GDP represents a change in the quantity of money in an economy and not of the level of production.

Now, for some of us this is quite a discovery. We are so used to thinking that GDP is the economy that government policies are now entirely focused on boosting it, mistaking it for the economy itself. It justifies mainstream macro-economic theory, because within that money identity, there is no differentiation between good and bad deployment of economic resources. This, in the minds of most economists, is why badly targeted government spending is no different from the productive private sector’s use of economic resources. It persuades Keynesians and Monetarists that injecting government spending into an economy or expanding the quantity of money in the economy is a valid route to recovery.

Understand this error and you understand why unemployment in the United States is already at depression levels, but according to the GDP statistic you have only just arrived at the brink of a possible economic downturn. Understand this error, and you understand the frantic attempts to get more money and credit into the economy rather than address the real issues. Understand the error of confusing the condition of an economy with its accounting identity and understand the policy mistakes yet to be made.

So we can see that governments are doing just about everything wrong. They have completely failed to understand the productive difference between free markets and government intervention. They have no knowledge of the real cost of diminishing the productive private sector to pay for the unproductive public sector. The activities of central banks have encouraged boom-bust cycles that have led to the accumulation of debt in both private and public sectors to the point where it has finally become unsustainable. In the process, they have destroyed savings, which are the necessary pre-requisite, the bed-rock for any sustainable recovery.

This is the background to today’s crisis. Governments everywhere are now trying to borrow the largest amounts of money in history, all at the same time. And to those who say that global savings are high, I say those savings are in the hands of the Chinese and Indian workers, who wisely are more likely to buy gold and silver than our government debt.

Governments are now waking up to the fact that real economic growth is disappearing far into the future and taking their hoped-for tax revenues with it. The debt-trap has snapped firmly shut. Some countries, such as the Eurozone members, who cannot print money to finance themselves, are simply the first victims of the imbalance between the financing requirements of governments and the available capital. Others, such as the UK and US, who can print money, do so to defer funding problems and keep their borrowing costs low; but it is only a matter of time before they are found out.

Price inflation will put an end to these artificially low bond yields, if markets don’t first: it has always been this way in the past and now is no different. We already see prices measured in paper currencies rising everywhere. Commodity prices are reflecting the increased quantities of paper money and credit. Prices of essentials, such as food and energy, have been rising sharply. But there are still people who think that the risk is deflation not inflation. Presumably the Fed thinks so, since it has stated that it expects interest rates to stay at close to zero until mid-2013. They will be in for a shock, and here’s why.

They are about to learn the difference between sound money and their fiat money. Real money cannot be issued by central banks. Fiat money is an undated interest-free claim on a government whose central bank merely tells us that it is money. The difference is important, because in a depression, the purchasing power of real money, measured in goods, increases. In the same depression the purchasing power of fake money falls with the financial condition of the issuing government and with its accelerating supply. This is the dynamic behind the rise in the price of gold over the last decade.

The rising inflation I’ve talked about is measured in fiat money. The rise will accelerate because when you are in a debt trap the only way bills get paid is to issue increasing quantities of fiat money and to borrow. And remember, in a depression tax revenues collapse, while social security costs escalate. To defer the “Grecian moment” we have become unhappily familiar with, both the US and the UK will require more fiat money and bank credit than we can imagine.

So what those who worry about a depression haven’t noticed, is that we have been in one for some time. That comes of confusing GDP with real goods and services. Produce enough fake money and GDP looks good. What doesn’t is the level of unemployment. Doubtless George Knapp – remember him? The German predecessor to Keynes? – Knapp would have felt good that German GDP from 1920 to 1923 looked fantastic. But then there was the small matter of a collapse in the fiat money of the day, and GDP hadn’t yet been invented anyway.

Today people are stumbling towards an awareness of some of these problems. Most visible to everyone so far is the parlous state of the banks. While it would be foolish to completely discount systemic risk, we should bear in mind two things. Firstly, the central banks are now very aware of this risk, which is different from the time of the Bear Sterns and Lehman collapses. So you can reasonably bet that every scenario that frightens us has been anticipated. The banks themselves are now acutely aware of counterparty risk. Secondly, the evolution of banking over the years has given central banks enormous control over their banking systems. It is wrong to think that you can compare the situation today to that of the banking crisis triggered by the collapse of Kredit Anstalt in 1931. The ECB in Europe only has to stand by with unlimited funds when necessary. Indeed, there has been a run on the Greek banks for at least the last eighteen months without systemic failure. All that is required is for the ECB to make its fiat money available in sufficient quantities.

In a few months we will enter 2012. The immediate stresses of today will probably diminish when enough fiat money has been thrown at them. So to my mind the two biggest headaches for next year will be increasing price inflation, the result of too much paper money chasing too few goods if you like, and rising interest rates. I do not expect the Fed to keep its promise of zero rates into 2013. I do expect them to blame unexpected stagflation.

And finally, we must understand that when it comes to resolving our current difficulties, the order of events is bound to be crisis first, solution second. I wish it could be the other way round, but that is the political reality. What we must do meanwhile is get the message home why the establishment has got its macroeconomics so wrong, and why the only solution is to progress towards sound money.

Today I have only focused on two aspects of the problem: the destabilising effects of credit-driven business cycles, and the misapplication of a statistic, GDP, which should have no importance whatsoever. There is much, much more in this sorry tale. I have touched on the role of savings, without going into how their destruction through monetary inflation is now bankrupting governments. I have not gone into the fallacies surrounding trade imbalances, which are always the result of unsound money. I have not asked how we are to feed our elderly and poor, who have become reliant on government pensions and hand-outs, which governments can increasingly ill-afford.

Please just accept, even if you don’t follow my analysis, that sound money guarantees a stable yet progressive economy where people are truly equal. It allows people to save properly for their retirement so that they will not become a burden on the state. It leads to democracy voting for small governments. It encourages peaceful trade and discourages war. It is the only path, after this mess, that leads us to long-lasting and peaceful prosperity. We really need everyone to understand this for the sake of our future.

Thank you.

This speech was previously published at FinanceAndEconomics.org.

Economics

GoldMoney Q&A with Sean Corrigan

Previously published at GoldMoney.com

What would you like to see as a solution – albeit perhaps imperfect – to the Greek debt situation?

Sean Corrigan: What I advocated as soon as the last credit bubble burst was exactly what is now being slowly accepted as a sine qua non – that debtors who over-extended themselves in the Boom must renegotiate with creditors – who were, conversely, too glib about the risks they were taking on – now that the Bust has arrived.

This would have been much better undertaken at the first signs of trouble, over four years ago, than now and – given the difficulties of achieving a fair, judicial burden sharing when PUBLIC sector borrowers become involved – it would have been much better without the intervening folly of crude Keynesian stimulus, pace Soros, Krugman, Wolf, et al.

Greece should cut its debt to the maximum level consistent with its long-term sustainability under the constraints imposed by its currently poor growth prospects and it should be made to run a balanced budget henceforth – perhaps through denying it any new credit on terms which are too soft. If that means the state must shrink and people can only receive what they themselves can earn and pay for, so be it. I am confident that this would open up untold avenues for private wealth generation. After all, the Greeks have been noted traders and entrepreneurs since history began – while their current societal degeneracy has been an artefact of state intervention – whether their own or the preceding Ottomans’ – and it is high time their natural talents were given free reign, rather than their natural human proclivity to do as little as possible when someone else seems to be paying for whatever it is that they most require.

That this transition is unlikely to be a pleasant experience is not to be denied, but neither is the present prospect of hopeless, semi-permanent “austerity” – besides which, their great-grandfathers went through much the same experience in the late 19th century and came out much the better for it!

As for Western banks and insurers – well-tough! Caveat commodator – let the lender beware! Their own creditors and shareholders should be the first to take losses for their voluntary participation in such bad executive decision making, as they would in any other business. If that takes them to the brink of failure, again, so be it: let the strong buy out the weak and let’s reduce the count of those making a living by leveraging off both explicit and implicit taxpayer support in a ludicrously overbanked world.

Any role for government should be limited to expediting the transfer of titles from debtor to creditor, as well as the transformation of title from debt to equity with a final, backstop role in guaranteeing a minimum level of narrow money circulation so as to avoid a self-fuelling secondary depression.

What kind of a solution do you think that the EU/IMF will arrive at for Europe’s debt crisis?

Sean: I doubt it will be anything as comprehensive as the above, though, given recent developments, if the Northern members stand firm and we listen to those Bundesbankers who are trying to insist upon individual fiscal responsibility – as well as to restore a renewed, future separation of fiscal from monetary policy – rather than to the cabal at the ECB which seems to think its job is to protect bankers, not the value of the Union’s money, then we might be a lot closer to this than was conceivable even six months ago.

Do you think that the ECB will resort to large doses of QE in order to ease the pressure on the eurozone?

Sean: At the moment, I would only see this happening by default. That is, if they have to offer so much support to shore up the existing debt structure that it becomes operationally difficult to sterilise.

There is a touch of the Oscar Wildes about the fact that they have already lost two Bundesbankers in swift succession. I’m not sure they would risk the implicit rejection of their policy entrained in the resignation of a third.

Do you expect to see countries leaving the eurozone?

Sean: Strictly speaking it is unnecessary if the undoubtedly steep adjustments needed are taken by reducing prices, removing costs, and eradicating impediments and inefficiencies. Our Keynesian friends, with their unshakable thirst for monetary chicanery, sneer that such an “internal” devaluation; is impossible, but it is more honest, more equitable, and more salutary than the alternative of a mass resort to the money illusion of a currency devaluation.

Anyone who doubts this should look at the fact that, though not entirely without blemishes and short-cuts, one or two eastern European nations – as well as the Irish –have already gone a very long way down this road.

That the positive results for the first have not yet made themselves so clearly felt in the Emerald Isle is almost entirely due to the fact that Ireland was shamefully bullied by both the ECB and the US Treasury into the untenable co-option of the privately-contracted debts of its banking sector at the height of the crisis. Ireland should also put these straight back where they belong – with those banks shareholders and creditors – and should instead concentrate on making sure that all their hard-work in rebalancing the economy redounds to the well-being of the ordinary Irishman and woman.

So, to come back to the question, to see a secession, much less an expulsion, we have to assume that the distaste for the Greek’s –and others’ – persistent free riding (as expressed recently by the likes of Otmar Issing) overcomes fears that this will weaken, not strengthen, the remaining union by setting a dramatic precedent and so focusing market scrutiny even more closely on the finances and political temperament of those left in the club. We also have to assume that the leaver’s elites see the subsequent trauma as either lesser in nature or easier to blame on others.

Until those two conditions are filled, I would expect the Nomenklatura to continue to inch painfully towards a solution which entails no shrinkage of the Union, entailing, as this would, the relinquishing of 80-odd years of political wishfulness.

What sort of things are you looking at to discern whether or not gold is overvalued or undervalued?

Sean: What is “value” in a world where the single goal of the powers-that-be is to deny the market the ability to have its constituents’ underlying ordering of wants accurately reflected in the price structure?

We have no proper market in capital; severely impaired markets in any number of basic goods; false markets in real estate; distorted markets in labour (hence why so many poor souls are still without jobs) and no certainty about anything except the awful certainty that nothing is off limits to those who are desperately trying to put Humpty Dumpty together again in time for the next turn of the electoral cycle rather than accepting the fact that he’s shuffled off this mortal coil and that it would be better now to see whether at least we can salvage a half-decent omelette out of the remains?

Gold is moving up as central bank balance sheets expand at an inordinate pace and as trust in fiat currencies erodes accordingly. Gold is working also as a diversifier – even an insurance policy – in a portfolio of real assets: outperforming other commodities and equities when we are in one of the recurring “Risk Off” phases which are so stultifying recovery.

Occasionally – as, for example, in late summer – it gets palpably overbought by those who are attempting to use zero-cost finance to game all this confusion and, as a result, it often suffers violent corrections.

However, while the perception persists that inflationism is the first line of defence, and while no one can be sure that – thanks to the stupidity of the Fed and its peers in trying to deny the reality of the losses we suffered under their previous regime of over-easy money – further financial disasters do not lie just around the next bend, it is hard to say that gold will not continue to do what it has for much of the past 5-6 years and grind ever higher, especially in USD trade-weighted terms.

Do you expect to see Britain facing the kinds of problems that are currently affecting the PIIGS?

Sean: Well, when the Crisis first broke, I used to joke that we Brits should not be too supercilious about the PIIGS since we had Scotland, Wales, Ireland (North), and England – aka, the SWINE!

The UK’s “austerity” package is so far somewhat elusive to locate since spending is still creeping up. The country still runs a near record trade deficit in the middle of a slump, despite having a currency whose decline in the Crash was only beaten by that of the Icelandic Krona.

Since 1998, Britain has lost 40% of its manufacturing jobs and added 35% to its roster of public sector workers, increasing the ratio between these two classes of tax-payers and tax-eaters from 60 drones per 100 bees to 160! And now, despite the highest level of joblessness since 1994, we have the highest gain in the Retail Price Index in 20 years, with the Bank of England actually easing as it rises!

Given the fragile coalition which is in office and the size of the lobby for maintaining public spending – as well as the almost insurmountable, pro-Labour electoral calculus built into the geography of the constituency boundaries – it is hard to see how the deficit, much less the debt will be meaningfully reduced without an eventual recourse to the tried and trusted old methods of inflation.

What’s your opinion of ‘Europe v. America’ in terms of economic health?

Sean: Well, for now, Europe seems to be reluctantly facing up to the reality that the state treasury is not a bottomless barrel and that public sector cannot live up to its casting as the Keynesian Tooth Fairy. This may not stand the test of time, but, for now, there is something of a push to reining in budgets, not expanding them endlessly.

We can hardly say that about the US where almost 40% of the enormous $1.3 trillion deficit is unmatched by revenues of any kind – something that Professor Bernholz at Basle University has identified as a threshold beyond which the threat of accelerating inflation becomes very real.

On the one hand, the Democrats seem to think that taxing the odd millionaire a few extra dollars will solve all the nation’s problems, and, on the other, the mainstream media won’t even accord any airtime to the one man to have foreseen the difficulty, to have consistently analysed the cause, and to have put forward radical, but logical proposals for dealing with the issue – namely, Ron Paul. In each case we are hollowing out the middle classes and reinforcing the divide between the plutocracy and the pauperised. In each case enterprise is being stifled and the flames of a paralysing uncertainty are being stoked ever higher.

America is traditionally seen as a more “flexible” society where the barriers to entrepreneurship are fewer and hence where recovery is both swifter and more assured, but, the laziness of relying on the ever-open chequebook of a woefully compliant central bank could do an awful lot to undermine whatever marginal advantage the nation still possesses over Welfare State Europe.

How dependent on western demand is the Chinese economy? Is “decoupling” a flawed concept?

Sean Corrigan: This is harder to say in absolute terms than many will admit, but, undoubtedly, the economy stands on two main pillars, neither of which is as steady as it might be.

Externally, the West still supplies much of its market and, in terms of its overall trade surplus, the US alone has accounted for more than 100% of the past two years’ total, and for 75% of the past five years’.

Even if we can argue forever about what the ultimate value added component of all this is, China’s exports amount to around a quarter of its published (if highly dubious) reckoning of GDP, so, clearly, a significant numberof livelihoods are dependent both on this and on the import and shipping of those goods that give rise to such exports.

However, such is China’s wayward economic structure that it has distorted all manner of pricing signals internally, too – the cost of capital, of land, of energy and other inputs – so that the second, shaky pillar on which it relies takes the form of ever more, credit-fuelled, higher-order malinvestment to generate its famous 9%+ national income scores.

It is only a little tongue in cheek to say that when we consider that the nation has yielded up a good deal of its comparative advantage (however illusory some of this was) and unleashed a nasty inflation – complete with a boom in what will prove to be either marginally productive, or completely unproductive, property and infrastructure – that it has sucked up into underremunerative ends its people’s savings, even as it purports to offer them a job not otherwise to be had in building more of the same, there are parallels with the mid-90s Asian Tigers.

Back then, their increasing uncompetitiveness and their growing misuse of resources on turning cheap money into expensive real estate was a key signal of the bust to come. The main difference with today’s China is that far less of this present excess is being financed with hot foreign money, given the difficulties in – though not the impossibility of – transferring funds across the current account barrier.

China is indisputably an enormous accident waiting to happen, but the only thing which may prove uncomfortable for the China bears among us is the nation’s unquantifiable, but redoubtable ability to hide the true cost of all this and to shuffle money endlessly from one balance sheet to another – to hide subsidies and support payments in a welter of accounting confusion and soft loan extension. Even the Soviets had their moment in the sun, remember, when Khrushchev’s tentative economic reforms in the 1950s seemed to offer a better way of doing things than either his predecessor or his contemporaneous Western competitors could manage.

When Adam Smith remarked, two centuries before that, that there was “a lot of ruin in a nation”, he was giving cold comfort to those long CDS protection or short Ozzie banks!

American financial analyst Jim Rickards has cited four potential outcomes to the world’s current monetary problems: multiple reserve currencies; SDRs; gold; or chaos. Which of these do you see as the most likely outcome – or is there another possibility?

Sean: Barely-managed chaos is what we have endured for the past 40 years – and arguably for much of the 60 years before that. I’m not sure that does not remain the smart way to bet, whatever the ambitions of the One World Platonic elite for a global Federalist construct to be forged in the funeral pyre of finance corporatism!

What things can ordinary people do to protect themselves from the economic fallout that may result from all these events?

Sean: The goal of the authorities is to make every man a gambler or a wastrel, for that way, it is assumed, the stock markets will rise again and cash registers across the land will ring out a merry peal of renewed Keynesian prosperity.

The sad truth, of course, is that this is a road to ruin along which we are all being force marched by the inflationist intellectuals and the other indefatigable defenders of the Provider State which their policies underwrite.

Hence, we can only offer generalities. Work hard; work longer; pay down all unproductive debt – at least until such time as you are sure that the interest burden and redemption schedule you face will be washed away by the loss of value of the money in which the loan is denominated. Try to acquire as much flexibility as possible in your finances for everything is – and is likely to remain – in a state of flux for a long while to come, with few certainties attached to the path by which we will eventually be forced to recognise the degree of our self-impoverishment. Try to find honest and competent entrepreneurs in whom to invest as these provide the best ‘active management’ of your money of anyone, especially when times are hard. Try to turn soft money into hard value wherever you can identify it.

This is all every well to say, of course, but much, much harder to achieve and meanwhile, there is the awful truth that there is no reward for thrift, no safe haven for one’s savings, and that the greater one’s success in managing one’s affairs and the greater one’s moderation in spending the rewards of that success, the larger and juicier the temptation one offers for an increasingly rapacious tax man to siphon off one’s reserve into the echoing depths of the state’s empty coffers.

Sadly, there can be few guaranteed winners in such a world.

Economics

Robot judges and the watched pot

“Gold – a six thousand year-old bubble”
- Headline of an FT piece from 2009 by Willem Buiter.

There are still reasons to like Mel Brooks, and most of them are in “Blazing Saddles”. As with the output of other writers and directors, it’s always the early, funny ones that last. Brooks’s 1974 Western spoof happens to give us the perfect embodiment of the witless bundled morass of hugely conflicted high absurdity and outright surrealism that constitutes today’s financial markets and the major players within them (sovereigns as well as banking institutions). Take the sequence where new sheriff and gentleman of colour Bart is attacked by a raging mob. To divert them, he holds a gun to his own neck. Of course, in the face of such dramatic posturing, the townspeople have no choice but to back down. Hold it, men. He’s not bluffing.

For Bart, read any number of financial institutions that have managed – bizarrely – to escape the clutches of the fate they otherwise deserve by threatening self-immolation, and have gone on to extort billions from baffled taxpayers and overly supine (or biddable) politicians. Suffice to say, financial markets have been living for some time in a Looking Glass world where logic, rationality and common sense no longer hold sway. What we get instead, as we wait not so breathlessly for the latest announcement of a plan to make a plan from the euro zone’s political “leadership”, is equivocation, prevarication and obfuscation. What will surely come, for many, is wealth obliteration.

But, as Jeffrey Gundlach stated recently, we are not policy makers, we are stewards of other people’s capital and we are here to outperform. There may be constructive changes to the financial infrastructure that we think would best serve the most number – we would advocate reform of fractional reserve banking that would prohibit essentially fraudulent lending, and abolish entities such as the Federal Reserve whose primary service is dedicated to sustaining an unsustainable narrow banking elite even as the rest of the economy burns – but our immediate focus is navigating the treacherous waters that those same entities have so dangerously perturbed. So we are where we are, even though we would prefer not to be starting from here.

The problems are well known. Our base thesis is that a credit bubble of some forty years inflating has now gone objectively into reverse. The western economies, by and large, will simply be unable to grow vigorously enough even to service their accumulated debts. Different countries and cultures will resort to different strategies to try and muddle through. For some (i.e. Greece) that will probably mean default. A disorderly default could easily result in financially painful contagion rippling across to the core. For others (e.g. the UK), the authorities will resort to, or indeed have already resorted to, inflation. Or financial repression, if you prefer. The ultimate outcomes will be a product of politics as much as economics, which makes them difficult if not impossible to predict with any degree of certainty. There are obvious implications here for currencies, particularly those of the more conspicuous money-printing countries. Whether in terms of debt repudiation, asset deflation, financial system imperilment or monetary inflation, we think all roads lead to gold. Which makes the scale of the recent sell-off of gold in nominal dollar terms curious, but does not cause us anything beyond minor mark-to-market indigestion. A minor burp, if you will, for an otherwise contented baby.

The now seemingly constant and elevated financial market volatility does give rise to second order concerns, though. These are concerns that the human brain is not evolutionarily well equipped to handle. Nicholas Carr’s “The Shallows” asks what the Internet is doing to our brains. John Horgan, reviewing the book for the Wall Street Journal, wrote that

We all joke about how the Internet is turning us, and especially our kids, into fast-twitch airheads incapable of profound cogitation. It’s no joke, Mr Carr insists, and he has me pursuaded.

In Michael Lewis’s latest, “Boomerang – the meltdown tour” (reprints of some excellent Vanity Fair articles on the financial crisis) he cites Dr. Peter Whybrow, a neuroscientist at UCLA who “thinks the dysfunction in America’s society is a by-product of America’s success”. The argument runs as follows. The human brain evolved over hundreds of thousands of years in an environment “defined by scarcity. It was not designed, at least originally, for an environment of extreme abundance.” Dr Whybrow describes the human brain as “fabulously limited”. We may possess a mammalian and third layer of brain matter, but they both surround a reptilian, lizard-like core. Our passions, suggests Dr Whybrow, are driven by the lizard core:

The succession of financial bubbles, and the amassing of personal and private debt, Whybrow views as simply an expression of the lizard-brained way of life. A colour-coded map of American personal indebtedness could be laid on top of the Centres for Disease Control’s colour-coded map that illustrates the fantastic rise in rates of obesity across the United States since 1985 without disturbing the general pattern. The boom in trading activity in individual stock portfolios; the spread of legalized gambling; the rise of drug and alcohol addiction – it is all of a piece. Everywhere you turn you see Americans sacrifice their long-term interests for short-term rewards.

Anybody tasked with staring at a Bloomberg terminal on a regular basis inevitably turns their thoughts to the motives of all those unseen investors silently driving markets higher or lower, on a daily basis. Our lizard brains, one suspects, are not well-suited to watching investment markets soar or collapse with exactly clinical detachment. “Fight or flight” does not translate well, or necessarily profitably, to volatile markets in one’s pet investment themes. But our hypothetical Bloomberg-watcher, if not ourself, also labours under the fair presumption that there are unseen humans at the other end of those trades. What if they’re actually robots ? One of the few, and perhaps only, intelligent insights that John Maynard Keynes made was his comparison of financial market participants with judges in a beauty contest:

It is not a case of choosing those [faces] that, to the best of one’s judgment, are really the prettiest, nor even those that average opinion genuinely thinks the prettiest. We have reached the third degree where we devote our intelligences to anticipating what average opinion expects the average opinion to be. And there are some, I believe, who practise the fourth, fifth and higher degrees.

Or in other words, investors tend to spend a good deal of time trying to anticipate the market reactions of other investors – as opposed, say, simply to uncovering objective deep value and sticking with it. So what happens if our putative beauty contest / financial market judges are actually machines ? Some sources indicate that high frequency and algorithmic trading (for want of a better short-hand: a bunch of robots) now accounts for three quarters of all US equity trading volume. So our hypothetical Bloomberg-watcher is now trying to assess the extent of greed and / or fear at work in a market that may be devoid of much direct emotional response and is now the plaything of a dispassionate trading algorithm or two. Good luck in trying to understand what R2D2 thinks about the latest unemployment figures.

The human brain has evolved to a high art of pattern recognition. The exquisite irony of our time is that we may be looking for patterns in markets where none really exist – just the vapour trail of C3PO’s latest software instructions.

One of the pieces we are most frequently asked to republish is the fictional creation of Nassim Nicholas Taleb in “Fooled by Randomness”, namely his retired dentist. This hypothetical investor is guaranteed to earn 15% per annum from his portfolio with an associated volatility in returns of 10%. These statistics are not open to dispute. But if our dentist monitors his portfolio in real time, the random price oscillations of his portfolio are likely to trigger extreme anxiety (and to most people, a natural if sub-optimal desire to overtrade, to take profits or cut losses). Depending on the frequency with which he observes his portfolio, our dentist will experience varying degrees of heartache or distress. The frequency of portfolio observation versus the probability of a profitable and therefore pleasurable outcome for Taleb’s imaginary investor is shown below:

Timescale – frequency of portfolio monitoring Probability of favourable outcome (joy)
1 second 50.02%
1 minute 50.17%
1 hour 51.30%
1 day 54%
1 month 67%
1 quarter 77%
1 year 93%

The message, we trust, is clear. Too much observation can, plainly and simply, be bad for you – because it will tempt you to overtrade, and to sell fundamentally sound investments in the interests of loss aversion. If Taleb’s dentist simply restricts the frequency with which he checks his portfolio – a fundamentally sound portfolio – he will boost his chances of incurring a positive emotional outcome from his monitoring activity. Note that nothing here changes about the composition of his portfolio – only the frequency with which he checks it. Investors determined to sit and watch the pot may end up being scalded. For that matter, Keynes came up with another intelligent coinage: markets can remain irrational for longer than you or I can remain solvent. Amen to that. So we sit here, with a diversified portfolio incorporating gold, silver, gold- and silver-related mining stocks, high quality debt, a modest allocation to defensive equities, and some systematic trend-following funds, and a tad of cash, and we wait. Like Odysseus’s sailors we feel inclined to stuff our ears with wax rather than succumb to the latest asinine market-as-sports commentary from CNBC, or for that matter to turn off the Bloomberg terminal for a bit. But in any event we retain high conviction about our core investment themes, and short-term market volatility, 24/7 investment jabber, and even the trading activity of robots will not divert us from our course. Beyond that, only time, and the great weighing machine of the markets, will tell.

This article was previously published at The Price of Everything.

Economics

ZeroHedge interviews Sean Corrigan

Previously published at ZeroHedge

1. Q1 EFSF.

We here at ZeroHedge have labelled the EFSF as an off balance sheet CDO, whose purpose is to buy the toxic assets (in this case sovereign bonds) of the ECB and the EU, all under the safety of a AAA rating. The amended EFSF of July 21, 2011 will aim at having a lending capacity of €440B. With rumors about bank recapitalization and monoline type guarantees that will leverage the fund to €2T. The EU/ECB has been committed to “avoiding contagion” since the Greece issue started 2 years ago, and as of October 2011 we are now talking about France losing its AAA rating. Do you believe that this expansion of the EFSF both in Euro terms and the mandate of the fund, will be enough to contain the debt contagion worries? Or is it actually necessary for what is currently implicit, that Germany is the de facto leader of Europe for the third time in 100 years, to become explicit?

Answer: The best answer to worries about ‘debt contagion’ is to make clear to all the counterparties concerned just what exactly is on whose balance sheet and at what price and to stop playing accounting tricks in order to paper over the holes created by all the bad lending practices indulged in during the Boom – missteps since repeated in some cases in the attempt to game the Eurozone’s initial bail-out procedures in its aftermath!

It is also a little ironic that the entities most likely to spread any such ‘contagion’ are largely the same ones who are hoping that they can get a huge slug of Other People’s Money – without too many onerous conditions attached – poured in to prevent said contagion from impacting their bonus pools too adversely– namely the trading desks of the selfsame European banks!

As for the EFSF/ESM, insofar as we even need a ‘rescue fund’ at all, why do we need anything more than a temporary bridging mechanism – a kind of cash-rich clearing house where failing businesses – banks above all! – can transfer their assets to the thriving ones as rapidly as possible and where debt to equity conversions can be undertaken (not least by overstretched state borrowers) at a price consistent with their continued employment in an independent, self-reliant, going concern?

Will we get any of this detached minimalism in practice? Highly unlikely, of course, for our fat political turkeys will not willingly vote for a Poujadist Christmas! So we are left with trying all the idiot savant ways we can transfer from the playbooks of AIG, Enron and Lehman (and maybe Madoff!) to preserve the status quo ante.

What we have to hope is that the very fact that the debate has become so contentiously aired outside the smoke-filled rooms of Brussels; that national Parliaments are refusing to be presented with yet another executive fait accompli; and that respected figures like Otmar Issing are warning against the seduction of financial ‘alchemy’ while making overt references to their conduciveness to a rerun of Weimar, might be enough to see that the Beast is sufficiently starved that it does not allow the adoption of genuine solutions to the problem to be deferred any longer.

As we know, the aim of the game to this point has been only to do the self-evidently right thing after every last, Collectivist. reality-denial alternative has been exhausted – but it might just be that the Franco-German schism sets us up for just such an outcome.  Daumen drücken, as they say, across the Rhine!

2. EU Bank Recapitalizations

As part of the recognition that there will be a “liability management exercise” in Greece, perhaps with haircuts exceeding 50%, attention has turned to the under-capitalized EU banks. The numbers about how much capital these banks need range from €100B to €1T. The question is where does that capital come from? Is it possible or banks to raise that capital without a)nationalization & b) losses for senior bondholder? Is this issue of capital and where it comes from even relevant if the banks are going to be given a year (as is rumored) to raise the capital?

Answer: Well, in the first place, if we realize that European banks are trading on price/book ratios of as little as 30%, we can see that the farce of pretending the balance sheet is sounder than it actually is has already been repudiated by the market itself, so why not take the hit and restore faith in the company and the integrity of its management?

Secondly, if we note that some 30% of European bank assets take the form of loans to, or securities holdings in, other – mainly European – banks, we can see that some grand, mutual ‘tear-up’ of all this I’ll-lend-you-if–you-lend-me, economically otiose duplication would immediately free up a sizeable chunk of capital without actually having to go to market and beg for it.

Incidentally, the Victorians used to scorn the practice of such financial incest as ‘pig on pork’ and regarded it as beyond the remit of a proper banker. It might not hurt if we started to do likewise.

Thirdly, why are capital-poor banks still paying dividends? Why is executive compensation in what are effectively failing enterprises still so elevated? The most reliable source of capital to a business has to be that portion of the difference between income and outgo its retains within the business (though it might also help if central banks were not doing their best to eradicate net interest margin at the same time!). Why is that principle so difficult to apply to the banking industry?

Moreover, there are currently more the 7,700 ‘monetary financial institutions’ in the Eurozone, with another 2,000-odd in the rest of the EU. In a world of teraflop data management, ubiquitous smartphones and always-on internet connection, do we really need one bank for every 50,000 people? Consolidate, consolidate, consolidate – and then we’ll see if there’s enough capital to go around!

Finally, as for the question of whether senior bondholders should be involved, what other, more effective mode of instilling a semblance of discipline and self-restraint into the system could we wish for? Caveat commendator – let the lender beware!

3. Three years later

We celebrated the 3rd anniversary of Lehman brothers bankruptcy just over a month ago. Yet three years later, we are again talking about a TARP program for Europe. Again we are subverting the interests of the majority to keep the Banks (not the financial system but the Banks that make up that system) alive. The status quo elites, all take for granted that a TARP like program is the only solution. That Lehman 2.0 cannot happen. We wonder if there is not another way. Is there a way to shore up the EU financial system that does not include recourse to either the ECB or a TARP program?

Answer: If we had done some of the above from the off, the original recession may well have been deeper, but it would also have long since ended and now – actually more than four years, not three – since the first cracks appeared, we could have been well along the path of genuine recovery and not struggling along the money-illusion travesty of one we have since been following.

But, no – we had to apply the mindless, Keynesian pass-the-parcel approach instead, under the rules of which when A (quintessentially a house buyer, this time around) suddenly finds he can no longer borrow money to buy more than he can actually afford, then B (usually the state) must step in and take his place as a spendthrift lest C has to find another customer for whatever it is he has grown over reliant on peddling to A and also so that Bank D, whose bosses have paid themselves handsomely for financing all these errors, can avoid having to bear the consequences of their poor decision making.

In the case of the public sector, this should be a time to write off whatever debt cannot conceivably be repaid with the proviso that all the member states – not just the defaulting ones – will guarantee not to add a single cent to their remaining stock of obligations but that they will balance their budgets henceforth.

This will not mean the defaulters will get off scot-free – they will still have to live within their means without resort to the kind of profligacy to which they have become accustomed, but at least they will be unshackled. Moreover, it have the added bonus of teaching everyone else (including regulators!) the historically unavoidable lesson that sovereign debt is anything but risk free, so reigning in the state’s ability to subvert its duty of accountability, everywhere.

Preferentially, this new budgetary rectitude should be brought about, not by raising taxes, but by shrinking the greatly overexpanded scope of the state’s activities – by privatising assets, reducing the deadweight of the various bureaucratic agencies, and by drastically pruning all debilitating and demoralising interventions to a bare minimum of social provision.

That way, we would immediately free up the maximum possible opportunity for private sector wealth creation to expand into the gap we leave and it would simultaneously impose the least costs on both the entrepreneurs who must be encouraged to lead this regeneration and on the workers and savers on whose efforts and funds they will rely on to carry out their ideas.

This would not only ensure that the inevitable drop in people’s real incomes will be minimised in the here and now – a shortfall which has arisen because of what we did in the Boom, not the Bust, remember – but it would offer the best prospect of rebuilding them as rapidly as can possibly be envisaged.

Think of it as a Berlin Wall moment for the whole of Europe as the deadweight of inflationary Welfare State Corporatism was removed from – or at least lightened upon – the backs of 400 million people.

4. The Euro

This is a simple question of whether or not you see the Euro as a common currency of 17 different countries surviving the next decade? Can you envision a scenario whereby a country leaves the Euro, yet the Euro doesn’t collapse as a result?

Answer: Contrary to popular belief, there is no need for a fiscal transfer union, much less an overarching political supersovereignty, to guarantee the viability of a currency union. Mankind managed pretty well from the time of Croesus’ first Lydian coins to the beginning of the Great War by swapping shiny bits of gold and silver – not to mention cowries and other such exotica – for goods and services where there was not an immediate coincidence of wants between buyer and seller.

Money is a medium of exchange, that’s all, so why can it not ‘survive’ by the mutual consent of its users across, as well as within, those artificial barriers we call borders without eradicating all cultural, legal, and institutional differences between the peoples contained within them?

Of course, if that consent is withdrawn, that is another issue. If, for instance the northern Europeans feel that they only want to exchange monies freely among themselves or if their erstwhile southern co-unionists suppose that they will confer some tangible competitive advantage upon themselves by leaving (presumably with a view to treating themselves to the highly elusive benefits of a currency devaluation), the boundaries around the existing membership might change – and even become so small as to be practically purposeless and so expire.

I do think, however, that if there’s one thing which, at the moment, passes for a minimal level of consensus among a heavy majority of European decision makers, it is that the benefits of a single currency outweigh its drawbacks – though whether that warm glow of confraternity would survive the very transfer mechanisms which many see as its saviour is, to me, very much a moot point, since it would further identify the currency with the resentment of those who consider themselves diligent at having to subsidise those they see as indolent.

5. Goldman and Targeted GDP

In the last day Goldman’s Jan Hatzius has suggested that “Fed officials to ease policy significantly further would be to target a nominal GDP path…indicating that they will use additional asset purchases to help bring actual nominal GDP back to trend overtime.” This justification for additional QE is that it will assist the “full employment” part of the Federal Reserves mandate. We would like to hear you comments on a) whether targeting a nominal GDP level is possible? and b) will such targeting actually benefit employment in the USA?

Answer: The instinctive reaction when an institution like that comes up with a wizard wheeze to solve the world’s ills is to reach instantly for one’s pocketbook!

Facetiousness aside, as a card-carrying Austrian of long-standing, the emergence of this whole subject as some kind of startling breakthrough actually makes me smile since the basic idea was long since foreshadowed by Hayek and is actively promoted today by the fractional reserve, free-bankers (FRFBers) among the School.

Go and read the works of George Selgin, Larry White, or Steve Horwitz (e.g., at freebanking.org and coordinationproblem.org) for further elucidation, or consult cobdencentre.org to get a flavour of the arguments advanced against it by 100%-reservers like me.

What we must be clear on here, though, is that the suggestions of Hatzius and his ilk are all very much at one with the prevailing top-down planner, central bank-lever pulling mode and so are very much subject to Fatal Conceit/Knowledge Problem objections. In addition, they all seem to think their should be a ‘target’ – i.e., some divinely-ordained number, plucked out of the entrails of some DGSE ritual calculation; one which, of course, must be a bigger number than the one we have today and, worse, one which must be driven to increase at an arbitrarily determined rate thereafter.

This is a VERY different kettle of fish to what even the FRFBers propose which is simply that Free Banks – that is, those institutions which issue private money on the strength of their own competence and reserve base, absent all support from the state (whether explicit or implicit) and bereft of all legal favouritism before the courts – should be allowed to issue extra monetary claims on themselves whenever it becomes apparent to them that the holding of such is the overwhelming preference of their customers.

Another crucial point of difference is that the converse must also apply – i.e., that the Free Banks will pro-actively retire such claims when it later emerges that their customers’ tastes have changed.

This, the FRFBers argue, is what their system will in fact ensure in a wholly automatic fashion so that, if there is any sudden rush to hold more money for its own sake (loosely, if there is a downward change in that money’s ‘velocity of circulation’), this will not exert any destabilising influence upon the real economy at large.

Furthermore, the FRFBers point out that an unsupported Free Bank is one which is subject to a reputational competition with its peers, as well as to the more concrete constraint of the need to reach a balance with them during their mutual clearings. These attributes, they contend – coupled to the insurance company-like liquidity threat which exists to its privately-subscribed equity capital should it ever misread the intentions, or forfeit the trust of its customers – will similarly prevent destabilisation through that Bank’s undue expansion, either (for reference, it should be noted that we 100%-ers are more than a little sceptical about this particular assertion).

We must re-emphasize, however, that the point here is not to set omnipotent, Stalinist directives for what Nominal GDP ‘should’ be, much less to decree to what path its future trajectory should conform, but rather to allow the bottom-up, negative feedback of an emergent, systemic property to operate to maintain an even flux of money through the economy at all times, so as to make it as neutral an agent as possible in everyday business calculation.

Furthermore, where the FRFBers and we 100% reservist Austrians do agree – in marked contrast to the mainstream – is that money should NEVER be created merely to stop prices falling. On the contrary, we firmly believe that all productivity-led price declines – as opposed to those which are the results of an active monetary deflation (the perceptive reader might spot that we 100%ers are less fearful of any passive, quasi-deflation which arises through greater money hoarding)– are not only a benign, but, in fact, a necessary quality of a properly-functioning price mechanism, one whose suppression by today’s central banks is a highly disruptive element, very much conducive to the kind of wasteful boom and bust we have just endured.

So, to sum up: there are some highly-regarded precedents for (if also some heart-felt objections to) the idea of looking to some broad measure such as nominal GDP as an anchor, but be aware that those who are arguing for it today are not really suggesting any radically better way of conducting policy, but simply seeking to rebottle their vinegary old plonk of chronic inflationism and Vampire Economy Führerprinzip under a shiny new label.

6. Macroeconomics vs. Microeconomics

You have repeatedly said that:

We must recognize that there are no workable macroeconomic solutions which can be laid down: that everything is a matter of functioning microeconomics building things up….

With governments and monetary policy authorities in the developed world continuing their love affair with macroeconomics, with models, pushing on levers, and central planning, more often that with disastrous consequences, can you actually imagine a circumstance whereby that same group start to embrace microeconomics solutions? That those with the most entrenched power, acting in their OWN best interest, will forgo the former and the latter, to actually effect change?

Answer: I refer my learned friend to what the estimable Ron Paul wrote in the WSJ recently, viz:-

“What exactly the Fed will do is anyone’s guess, and it is no surprise that markets continue to founder as anticipation mounts. If the Fed would stop intervening and distorting the market, and would allow the functioning of a truly free market that deals with profit and loss, our economy could recover. The continued existence of an organization that can create trillions of dollars out of thin air to purchase financial assets and prop up a fundamentally insolvent banking system is a black mark on an economy that professes to be free.”

So, to answer your question: if Ron Paul gets the Republican nomination, much less wins the subsequent election, you know there is still hope but, since the mainstream media can barely bring themselves to mention the man’s name, I wouldn’t bet the farm on it, just yet!

7. The Federal Reserve: Should it exist?

In January of 2008 your wrote:

From their very first incarnations in 17th century Sweden and England, central banks have been purposeful mechanisms for shoring up profligate governments (whether these are buying guns or butter without properly funding the purchase) while serving as a backstop to the inherently flawed and highly unstable practice of fractional reserve banking”

Our question is simple, theoretical, and something that ZeroHedge readers think about often, Should the Federal Reserve (as conceptualized in the USA) be abolished? If so what do you replace it with?

Answer: Do you really need to ask??? I would abolish it as soon as can be arranged.

One possible mechanism to achieve this has been thrashed out by several of us at the Cobden Centre in the context of ridding the UK of that destructive 318-year old canker of monopoly and privilege which is Bank of England. For what it’s worth, my version of this was presented to an audience at the IEA in July of last year, the barebones of which are appended below.

As to what we should replace it with – why nothing of course! Just free banks, free to fail and free to flourish – just as there are free florists, free furniture makers, and free fashion houses – nothing more and nothing less.

8. OWS Movement, Arab Spring, Greek & UK Riots ……Collateral Damage

What started in January in 2011 in Tunisia, has In October of 2011, moved to the USA. The one constant thread in all of these movements is the profound lack of fairness in society and the profound lack of confidence in governments and the institutions  they represent.

How do you view the OWS movement? Does the movement cause you any concern?

Answer: To the extent that it provides a focus for left-wing disgust at the plutocracy, much as the Tea Party provides one for those who are considered as right wing, that is all to the good. My enemy’s enemy is my friend, after all.

However, the problem is that many of the protestors see this as a failure of something they have heard fat-cat beneficiaries of the system, like Michael Moore and his kind, decry as ‘capitalism’ and so they are under the grave misapprehension that what is needed is a more activist government to take the reins, blissfully unaware that today’s Corporate Welfarism is more like something Mussolini – or his self-confessed admirer, FDR – would recognise as an alternative to, rather than an embodiment of, ‘capitalism’.

What they miss is that to be pro-market, is not to be pro-bank, much less pro-business since businessmen – especially Big Businessmen and ESOP guns-for-hire and Military-Industrial, US Treasury-Wall St. revolving door merchants, as opposed to real owner-entrepreneurs – are often just as inimical to the workings of the free market as any trade union militant or pink-tinged academic tritely disporting a Che T-shirt.

It is actually quite heartening to see that ordinary people are fed up with the pseudo-choice they are offered at the ballot box by two giant, entrenched, self-serving party machines which have far greater commonalities than differences. I think you see the same thing with the likes of the Pirate Party in Germany, the Real Finns, and Christoph Blocher’s Swiss SVP.

The worry, of course, is that these same people, through no fault of their own, have not been given the tools with which to analyse their plight properly, nor have they been educated in a rich enough vocabulary in which to properly articulate their dissent and so there is a distinct possibility that they become co-opted either by some fiery demagogue or, as in much of Europe, by the dangerously illiberal Khmer Verts who camouflage their despotism in the cuddly panda pyjamas of the Green movement.

On a more hopeful note, these protests show that the Establishment – and a post-1968 Establishment, no less – has lost both its power of command and its automatic right to respect and that can only give us in the libertarian Remnant greater opportunities to fill the void, too.

9. Of Being 25 in a Developed Nation

We here at Zero Hedge are labelled as fringe lunatics who thrive on bad news. We only take issue with this to the extent that the label allows “others” to dismiss us out of hand, while not debating us on the merits of our ideas and opinions. Central to our platform is the debunking of generally accepted conclusions of mainstream Wall Street Economist and Strategists. We do so, not only because it is sometimes fun, but because we want to encourage our readers and ourselves to think beyond what we are all being spoon fed. We are interested in what advice you would give a 25 year old graduating from University about the future. How should they think about money, how should they be investing, and what do you think their future will look like (10 year time horizon) in a developed nation? Would you give different advice to a 25 year old in an emerging nation?

Answer: The first thing I would say is that, from direct personal experience, he should not even begin to imagine that he has completed his education , just because he has been awarded his degree!

If he (I’m sufficiently advanced enough beyond the age of 25 to luxuriate in the presumption that ‘he’ is a non-gender specific pronoun in this context) is lucky enough, his university will not just have shepherded him though a few exams, but will have encouraged him to learn how to think for himself and to trust his judgement when he applies that ability rigorously enough.

If he has been astute enough, he will also have realised that he needs to be equipped with a few basic tools beyond his specific expertise in order to navigate his way through the sea of half-truths and lazy presuppositions which are likely to surround him.

Firstly, he needs basic numeracy skills so he can have a sense of magnitudes, costs, and probabilities. Secondly, he needs a sense of geography so he knows where he is and a sense of history so he knows when and who he is. Thirdly, he needs to be able to both understand an argument and to make one, so that he can spot the falsehoods he is constantly being sold (sometimes, it has to be said, wholly inadvertently) and so that he can make his own case in response, once he has framed it. Finally, he needs to realise that the state is a wolf, not a sheepdog and that his liberty and right to self-expression are much more at risk from the smiling, ballet-box tyrants at home than it ever is from the foaming-mouthed, comic opera dictators whom he is enjoined to hate abroad.

He should realise that money is a medium by which wealth is exchanged, it is not wealth itself, much like it is the information he trades over the web which is important, not the plumbing of routers and servers and cabling which transmits it.

He should also be aware that when it comes to matters of money and economics, most of the ostensibly-learned discussants are sadly espousing ideas no more advanced or well-founded than were those of sixteenth century alchemists and leeches in the science of metallurgy or medicine.

Let’s start with the fact that ‘investing’ is one of those undertakings which is simple in concept but very difficult of execution and that it requires effort.

Furthermore, it is a very distinct activity from trading. One may have a great deal of fun – and even make a very nice living – trading, once one understands that trading is as little about the ‘fundamentals’ of economies or businesses being traded as poker is about the specific cards one draws in a hand. But he should also know that investing is a longer game where the idea is to buy something valuable to which the market has temporarily attached too low a price, that the market often does exactly that – and hence that the classic ideas of ‘efficiency’ and ‘rationality’ are an exploitable artefact of academic vanity.

He should know, ultimately, that only entrepreneurs create wealth and that, short of being an entrepreneur himself, he should look for market-given opportunities to invest in other men and women who are, when he can do so at what he reckons is a discount to their likely potential to generate income. He should always bear in mind that genuine entrepreneurs are THE ‘active managers’, THE ‘generators of alpha’ to whom he needs to entrust his hard-earned money above all others.

I’m not sure I would presume to offer any different advice to a young man from the developing, as opposed to the developed world, except to urge that he pay lots of attention to what might be lucrative gaps between what goes on in his country and what we in the West do in ours and also that he resolves to learn not just from what we do well, but from what we do badly!

As for the call to indulge in futurology, that really is a fool’s game. Life moves too fast to be overly specific. In a Heraclitan universe of flux, the straight edge with which one extrapolates an existing trend is the most dangerous instrument in one’s tool kit.

All I can say is that, despite the age-old Malthusian pessimism which is currently enjoying such a vogue, I doubt we will run out of energy – or any other service provided by a material resource – on any foreseeable horizon, though politics and the cult of Gaia might make it seem that way. While I am resolutely despairing of the ability of or the incentive for politicians to make the right choices on any kind of consistent basis, but I am also quietly optimistic of the ability of the man in the street to find his way around the obstacles their incompetence and venality erect in front of him.

10. End Game

You have repeatedly stated that the “markets are broken” (something Zero Hedge agrees with and states daily). We would also add that most governments in the developed world are also broken. Previously we asked you what advice you would give to a 25 year old. Now we are asking you to comment on how you see this deleveraging cycle, superimposed on broken markets, and governments playing out over the next 5 -15 years. We speculate that part of what the monetary authorities in the developed world are trying to do is create a soft landing for western countries living standards, we wonder if this is a possible or even probable outcome?

Answer: There is a glimmer of a chance that we manage to spend the next ten years reliving a version of the past ten just as the authorities hope we will– a glimmer which avoids the question of whether any such remission of sentence would actually redound to our long-term benefit.

There is a slightly greater chance that in desperately trying to avoid a re-run of what our urban mythology tells us what went wrong in the 1930s, the misreading of what went wrong (especially in Depression America) is such that we actually condemn ourselves to enduring a repeat. I would say here that, eighty years ago, it took an almost uninterrupted succession of poor choices and the interplay of any number of aggravating factors to lead us into that particular Valley of the Shadow, that, to rejig the great cliché of those days, the only thing we have to fear is the fear of that fear itself.

There is a somewhat greater chance under the current institutional framework– but still a long odds shot – of moving straight to an episode of accelerating inflation, even of hyperinflation, as people lose all faith in their money and in the aims of those who manage it. The saving grace here is that such behaviour usually has to be learned over a period of time, unless policy is so determinedly and nakedly pointed in that direction, that we still have time to avoid this possibility.

Therefore, by a process of elimination, the scenario to which I would attach the greatest probability to is the one under which we slowly and successively ratchet ourselves up from one level of underemployment and overinflation to the neat, much as we did in the period from 1965-1983. This implies we become locked into a dreadful hysteresis of ever more desperate monetary fixes for wilfully unaddressed real-side problems and that this does then end up teaching people to anticipate the price inflationary side effects and to ignore the transient growth impulses at an earlier and earlier stage in each cycle of ‘stimulus’ to the point at which it is their own attempt at self-preservation which delivers all but the lucky or politically sheltered few into the jaws of this vast meat-grinder of wealth.

Somewhere along the line, we are going to have to recognise the losses we suffered in the Boom. The question is how unfairly those losses will be distributed, how much worse they will be made by our attempts to avoid them, and whether we will re-equilibrate the value of our outstanding obligations with our ability to generate the income to service and then discharge them by (a) pushing the monetary value of the assets up to those of the debts (as has been the thrust of policy to this point); (b) by writing the debt down to the worth of the underlying (a reckoning we have wasted so many trillions trying to avoid); or (c) by being lucky enough to hit upon enough new sources of income to be able to treat the overhang as a minor balancing item (the unspoken hope behind all that has happened these last four years).

Each of these outcomes has different consequences for different classes of investible assets, for different countries, for different industries, and for different companies within them. The trick will be to recognise which path we are indeed following sufficiently early to buy into it at a good price and then to identify where along that route the deepest pitfalls and most desirable prizes lie so as to keep our real wealth intact as far down it as we can.

Good luck with the challenge!

Economics

The inflationist view of history

This chapter from Human Action is spot on for today:


Part 4, Chapter XVII.
INDIRECT EXCHANGE

18. The Inflationist View of History

A very popular doctrine maintains that progressive lowering of the monetary unit’s purchasing power played a decisive role in historical evolution. It is asserted that mankind would not have reached its present state of well-being if the supply of money had not increased to a greater extent than the demand for money. The resulting fall in purchasing power, it is said, was a necessary condition of economic progress. The intensification of the division of labor and the continuous growth of capital accumulation, which have centupled the productivity of labor, could ensue only in a world of progressive price rises. Inflation creates prosperity and wealth; deflation distress and economic decay.[25] A survey of political literature and of the ideas that guided for centuries the monetary and credit policies of the nations reveals that this opinion is almost generally accepted. In spite of all warnings on the part of economists it is still today the core of the layman’s economic philosophy. It is no less the essence of the teachings of Lord Keynes and his disciples in both hemispheres.

The popularity of inflationism is in great part due to deep-rooted hatred of creditors. Inflation is considered just because it favors debtors at the expense of creditors. However, the inflationist view of history which we have to deal with in this section is only loosely related to this anticreditor argument. Its assertion that “expansionism” is the driving force of economic progress and that “restrictionism” is the worst of all evils is mainly based on other arguments.

It is obvious that the problems raised by the inflationist doctrine cannot be solved by a recourse to the teachings of historical experience. It is beyond doubt that the history or prices shows, by and large, a continuous, although sometimes for short periods interrupted, upward trend. It is of course impossible to establish this fact otherwise than by historical understanding. Catallactic precision cannot be applied to historical problems. The endeavors of some historians and statisticians to trace back the changes in the purchasing power of the precious metals for centuries, and to measure them, are futile. It has been shown already that all attempts to measure economic magnitudes are based on entirely fallacious assumptions and display ignorance of the fundamental principles both of economics and of history. But what history by means of its specific methods can tell us in this field is enough to justify the assertion that the purchasing power of money has for centuries shown a tendency to fall. With regard to this point all people agree.

But this is not the problem to be elucidated. The question is whether the fall in purchasing power was or was not an indispensable factor in the evolution which led from the poverty of ages gone by to the more satisfactory conditions of modern Western capitalism. This question must be answered without reference to the historical experience, which can be and always is interpreted in different ways, and to which supporters and adversaries of every theory and of every explanation of history refer as a proof of their mutually contradictory and incompatible statements. What is needed is a clarification of the effects of changes in purchasing power on the division of labor, the accumulation of capital, and technological improvement.

In dealing with this problem one cannot satisfy oneself with the refutation of the arguments advanced by the inflationists in support of their thesis. The absurdity of these arguments is so manifest that their refutation and exposure is easy indeed. From its very beginnings economics has shown again and again that assertions concerning the alleged blessings of an abundance of money and the alleged disasters of a scarcity of money are the outcome of crass errors in reasoning. The endeavors of the apostles of inflationism and expansionism to refute the correctness of the economists’ teachings have failed utterly.

The only relevant question is this: Is it possible or not to lower the rate of interest lastingly by means of credit expansion? This problem will tb treated exhaustively in the chapter dealing with the interconnection between the money relation and the rate of interest. There it will be shown what the consequences of booms created by credit expansion must be.

But we must ask ourselves at this point of our inquiries whether it is not possible that there are other reasons which could be advanced in favor of the inflationary interpretation of history. Is it not possible that the champions of inflation have neglected to resort to some valid arguments which could support their stand? It is certainly necessary to approach the issue from every possible avenue.

Let us think of a world in which the quantity of money is rigid. At an early stage of history the inhabitants of this world have produced the whole quantity of the commodity employed for the monetary service which can possibly be produced. A further increase in the quantity of money is out of the question. Fiduciary media are unknown. All money-substitutes–the subsidiary coins included–are money-certificates.

On these assumptions the intensification of the division of labor, the evolution from the economic self-sufficiency of households, villages, districts, and countries to the world-embracing market system of the nineteenth century, the progressive accumulation of capital, and the improvement of technological methods of production would have resulted in a continuous trend toward falling prices. Would such a rise in the purchasing power of the monetary unit have stopped the evolution of capitalism?

The average businessman will answer this question in the affirmative. Living and acting in an environment in which a slow but continuous fall in the monetary unit’s purchasing power is deemed normal, necessary, and beneficial, he simply cannot comprehend a different state of affairs. He associates the notions of rising prices and profits on the one hand and of falling prices and losses on the other. The fact that there are bear operations too and that great fortunes have been made by bears does not shake his dogmatism. These are, he says, merely speculative transactions of people eager to profit from the fall in the prices of goods already produced and available. Creative innovations, new investments, and the application of improved technological methods require the inducement brought about by the expectation of price rises. Economic progress is possible only in a world of rising prices.

This opinion is untenable. In a world of a rising purchasing power of the monetary unit everybody’s mode of thinking would have adjusted itself to this state of affairs, just as in our actual world it has adjusted itself to a falling purchasing power of the monetary unit. Today everybody is prepared to consider a rise in his nominal or monetary income as an improvement of his material well-being. People’s attention is directed more toward the rise in nominal wage rates and the money equivalent of wealth than to the increase in the supply of commodities. In a world of rising purchasing power for the monetary unit they would concern themselves more with the fall in living costs. This would bring into clearer relief the fact that economic progress consists primarily in making the amenities of life more easily accessible.

In the conduct of business, reflections concerning the secular trend of prices do not bother any role whatever. Entrepreneurs and investors do not bother about secular trends. What guides their actions is their opinion about the movement of prices in the coming weeks, months. or at most years. They do not heed the general movement of all prices. What matters for them is the existence of discrepancies between the prices of the complementary factors of production and the anticipated prices of the products. No businessman embarks upon a definite production project because he believes that the prices, i.e., the prices of all goods and services, will rise. He engages himself if he believes that he can profit from a difference between the prices of goods of various orders. In a world with a secular tendency toward falling prices, such opportunities for earning profit will appear in the same way in which they appear in a world with a secular trend toward rising prices. The expectation of a general progressive upward movement of all prices does not bring about intensified production and improvement in well-being. It results in the “flight to real values,” in the crack-up boom and the complete breakdown of the monetary system.

If the opinion that the prices of all commodities will drop becomes general, the short-term market rate of interest is lowered by the amount of the negative price premium.[26] Thus the entrepreneur employing borrowed funds is secured against the consequences of such a drop in prices to the same extent to which, under conditions of rising prices, the lender is secured through the price premium against the consequences of falling purchasing power.

A secular tendency toward a rise in the monetary unit’s purchasing power would require rules of thumb on the part of businessmen and investors other than those developed under the secular tendency toward a fall in its purchasing power. But it would certainly not influence substantially the course of economic affairs. It would not remove the urge of people to improve their material well-being as far as possible by an appropriate arrangement of production. It would not deprive the economic system of the factors making for material improvement, namely, the striving of enterprising promoters after profit and the readiness of the public to buy those commodities which are apt to provide them the greatest satisfaction at the lowest costs.

Such observations are certainly not a plea for a policy of deflation. They imply merely a refutation of the ineradicable inflationist fables. They unmask the illusiveness of Lord Keynes’s doctrine that the source of poverty and distress, of depression of trade, and of unemployment is to be seen in a “contractionist pressure.” It is not true that “a deflationary pressure … would have … prevented the development of modern industry.” It is not true that credit expansion brings about the “miracle … of turning a stone into bread.”[27]

Economics recommends neither inflationary not deflationary policy. It does not urge the governments to tamper with the market’s choice of a medium of exchange. It establishes only the following truths:

1. By committing itself to an inflationary or deflationary policy a government does not promote the public welfare, the commonweal, or the interests of the whole nation. It merely favors one or several groups of the population at the expense of other groups.

2. It is impossible to know in advance which group will be favored by a definite inflationary or deflationary measure and to what extent. These effects depend on the whole complex of the market data involved. They also depend largely on the speed of the inflationary or deflationary movements and may be completely reversed with the progress of these movements.

3. At any rate, a monetary expansion results in misinvestment of capital and overconsumption. It leaves the nation as a whole poorer, not richer. These problems are dealt with in Chapter XX.

4. Continued inflation must finally end in the crack-up boom, the complete breakdown of the currency system.

5. Deflationary policy is costly for the treasury and unpopular with the masses. But inflationary policy is a boon for the treasury and very popular with the ignorant. Practically, the danger of deflation is but slight and the danger of inflation tremendous.


[25]. Cf. the critical study of Marianne von Herzfeld, “Die Geschichte als Funktion der Geldbewegung,” Archiv fuer Sozialwissenschaft, LVI, 654-686, and the writings quoted in this study.

[26]. Cf. below, pp. 541-545.

[27]. Quoted from: International Clearing Union, Text of a Paper Containing Proposals by British Experts for an International Clearing Union, April 8, 1943 (published by British Information Services, an Agency of the British Government), p. 12.

Economics

The circular flow of income fallacy

At the Tory Party Conference, the Prime Minister said:

The only way out of a debt crisis is to pay off your debts. That’s why households are paying down their credit card bills and store card bills. It means banks getting their books in order. And it means governments all over the world  – cutting spending and living within their means.

This contrasts with a recent Globe and Mail editorial by Martin Wolf:

What Mr. Cameron recommends is even nigh on impossible. Why is that? Is it not common sense that if one has borrowed too much, one must pay it back? Alas, what makes sense for individuals does not make sense for an economy, because one person’s spending is another person’s income. Consider a closed economy. Income and spending must match. If the private sector decided to spend less than its income, to pay down debt and if the government also decided to stop borrowing, aggregate incomes would fall until they could no longer achieve what they wanted. All they would obtain, by following Mr. Cameron’s advice, is a race to the economic bottom.

This is the gigantic cul-de-sac of the “Circular Flow of Income” that every 1st year economics undergraduate is taught in their opening macro class. Whilst it is true that one man’s spending is another man’s income, this truism says nothing about how that money is spent or whether it is conducive to prosperity. The aggregation makes the circular flow nothing more than a tautological statement.  I previously explored some of the negative routes that economists have embarked upon in this blog post from September 2009.

Wolf is one of the FT’s most mainstream high-profile writers. Before Keynes he would have been considered a consumptionist crank of the sort that used to come to fore every few decades or so to be thoroughly discredited by any non-muddleheaded economist of the day. Now he and his type are in the majority.

If your household had outgoings of £2,000 per month and income of £1,800, you have to either consume your saved capital, or borrow some else’s to the tune of £200 per month.  If there is no one to borrow from, or the amount you have borrowed is making it very burdensome for you to make any repayments (or even to cover the interest costs), then you need to cut back on your outgoings.

Now if you cut back on your outgoings so you now spend £1,700 per month on a £1,800 per month income, it is happy days for you as you are accumulating £100 of capital per month. You are profitable.

In this example, substitute you for a company and you can see how a company reliant upon debt can become a profitable contributor to society.

Now with a sovereign government, the same logical of living within your means must also apply.

Restoration of profitability is the only sure-fire way of establishing long-term recovery in the economy.  The aggregate expenditures of all being the aggregate income of all is in fact a red herring. What matters is the degree of profitability within the aggregate measures in all aspects of the economy, from the Sovereign State, through the corporations, to the humble household.

This implies a deflating down of the credit-induced bubble. This is liquidation. This will mean creditors who have lent money unwisely to walking dead businesses, zombie governments and bozo corporations will not get all their money back. This means there will be some pain.

The alternative proposed by Wolf and much of the economics profession is to inflate the debt away. This means that all the prudent and wise people who have saved to provide for themselves will see their savings eroded, and will be forced to live on less. Meanwhile, those who unwisely lent to households, corporations and governments who could never fulfill their promises will in nominal terms be spared any default on their debt.

Morally, I prefer liquidation, just as I prefer a restoration of profitability to the current approach of maintaining the aggregate incomes and expenditures of all at unsustainable levels without regard to profit. Creating and perpetuating illusions is not for any sane politician or economist, only muddle-heads like Wolf.

Economics

Big Trouble in Little China

Despite the general relief which greeted the release of China’s GDP data for the third quarter, as well as the still resilient industrial production data, we could not quite bring ourselves to join in the cheers.

As we all know, the mainstream is all too ready to treat such numbers as an end in themselves, without paying sufficient attention to the informational content involved in lumping together the sprawling, multifarious, activities of millions of people and boiling it down to one, single number — and that according to a methodology which subjectively combines the raw data in order to fit a pre-conceived concept of how an economy actually functions.

Hayek himself took pains to warn of the limitations of this approach in 1963, when he was discussing the great Methodenstreit of thirty years before:-

…it seems as if this whole effort… to ‘scientificize’ economics… were due to a mistaken effort to make the statistically observable magnitude the main object of theoretical explanation.

But the fact that we can statistically ascertain certain magnitudes does not make them causally significant, and there seems to me no justification whatever in the widely held conviction that there must be discoverable regularities in the relation between those magnitudes on which we have statistical information.

Economists seem to have come to believe that since statistics represent the only quantitative data which they can obtain, it is these statistical data which are the real facts with which they deal and that their theories must be given such a form that they explain what is statistically ascertainable.

There are of course a few fields, such as the problems of the relation between the quantity of money and the price level, where we can obtain useful approximations to such simple relations – though I am still not quite persuaded that the price level is a very useful concept.  But when it comes to the mechanism of change, the chain of cause and effect which we have to trace in order to be able to understand the general character of the changes to be expected, I do not see that the objectively measurable aggregates are of much help…

Not only is GDP itself, far too overaggregated  – and far too Keynesian—in its construction, but in China’s case the problem is not only compounded by the suspicion that the numbers are made to tell the story the Party wishes to tell, but also by the fact that where they are not actually incomplete, they are highly inconsistent.

So, for example, we are told that the year-on-year rate of real GDP slowed slightly to 9.1% from the previous quarter’s 9.5%, yet the nominal figures—so far as we can recast them -  seem to have accelerated from 17.9% to 20.6%. Indeed, this last figure would not be inconsistent with the simultaneously reported 23.6% rise in SOE business revenues over the first nine months (of which more in a moment)

If true, this would not only have represented the fastest gain since before the GFC itself intruded, but it would imply a price inflationary component which had accelerated to 10.5% – also the highest in nearly four years and significantly above, and moving in opposition to, the supposedly slowing, 6.1% pace of CPI increase!

In looking for further clues, one finds that, over the spring and summer, nationwide rail freight slowed from its usual 9.5-10% annual rate to a relatively languid level of 6.5%. Electricity usage, too—though more subject to the vagaries of the weather—has been rising at less than 11.5% over the past two quarters, rather than at the more typical 14.0-14.5% registered during recent periods of full-blooded expansion.

But more telling still—and yet another good illustration why the burn-the-furniture-to keep-warm inadequacy of GDP accounting is such a poor gauge of economic well-being—those same SOEs whose revenues we mentioned above have seen an unbroken run of consecutive monthly declines in profit, so far in the second half.

Given that these mighty bastions of the one-party state represent the favoured few, upon whom the available credit is showered, upon whom the best tax breaks and greatest subsidies—as well as the most advantageous resource pricing—is lavished, that is surely a telling statistic, as is the fact that their reported return on equity—of 5.8% – lay below even the official rate of price rises.

So, even as these behemoths have squeezed out their SME competitors—up to four-fifths of whom are reputedly losing money—they have been unable to parlay growing revenues into growing profits, much less yield a positive real return on capital.

On top of this, there have been any number of warnings from among the Party high-ups about the dire state of the export market — sufficient alarm, indeed, having been generated that Premier Wen pledged an ‘essentially stable renminbi’ from now on: in effect, therefore, signalling the end of an appreciation which has led to all sorts of extended currency gambles in places as diverse as Hong Kong’s Dim-sum bond market and the copper warehousing, L/C-manipulating tricks of the shadow importers.

Finally, it should be noted that not only has the stock market closed at its lowest level since the global asset markets began to recover in March 2009, but an accelerated liquidation of industrial commodities is well underway, with materials as diverse as steel, copper, zinc, rubber, cotton, polyethylene, and terephthalic acid all losing 30-40% from their highs, and all setting new multi-month—even multi-quarter—lows in the process.

Far from being ‘ruled out’ by the numbers — as the most credulous of mainstream macromancers have been claiming — China’s hard landing may actually be unfolding as we write, hidden from wider apprehension by the gaudy veil of that one, damnable, statistical fiction which is the stage prop of charlatans and the false comfort of the biddable alike.

China is a prime exemplar of everything we Austrians deprecate, whether in terms of its heavy-handed pretence of knowledge; the fatal conceits of its central planners; its multitudinous suppressions and perversions of the pricing system; or the endemic corruption and influence-peddling which, absent an economically impartial means of allocating means, is the only way to ration scarce resources between competing ends there.

As such, we cannot assume other than it will one day to be revealed to be a heroic disaster; that its attempt to maintain the privileged superstructure of the Party while seeking out a more effective way of marshalling the matériel needed to sustain its all-pervading apparatus will prove to have been the cause of a vast waste of human effort and earthly treasure, even if it has been infinitely preferable to the Maoist horrors which preceded this, the latest grand experiment in socialist Utopianism.

The only professional problem we have with this analysis is the rather crucial one that to be convinced of such an outcome from a grand historical perspective is of precious little use in knowing what or when to buy or sell in the hurly-burly of the fibre-optically fast marketplace in which we operate.

There will undoubtedly prove to be just as much ruin in the Middle Kingdom as there was in Adam Smith’s Britain of the 18th century. Economic law cannot be repealed, but its verdict can often be long suspended, if usually at the cost of a harsher sentence when ingenuity finally fails those seeking to deny its implacable judgement. If the extended nonsense of our own, last four years of swimming against the tide of inevitability proves anything, it surely proves this.

Thus, while we are convinced that the hard landing in China will be more of an asteroid impact than a mere bender of the undercarriage when it eventually arrives, we cannot honestly say that this will be the inescapable result of the nation’s present constellation of difficulties.

In seeking to avoid such a shattering return to earth, the authorities there may yet hit upon new ruses to hide the losses, to defer the final reckoning, and so to sway production patterns and alter input pricing in any manner of unforeseeable ways before they tangle their ankles in a Gordian knot of their own ravelling and measure their mighty length in the dust of human vanity.

Here and now, however, all we are prepared to say is that this COULD be the Big One, but it might also be a lesser, pre-cataclysmic tremblor—much more severe than many of those constructing investment portfolios out of the straw of China’s invincibility can hope to withstand—but, nevertheless, only an ominous reminder of a mighty upheaval yet to come.

What goes for China, goes for its neighbours around the Pacific, of course, so we should not be surprised to see regional air freight falling into the negative column, or US West Coast container imports dropping markedly short of 2010 levels, nor at Taiwan export orders moving decisively below their pre– and post-Crash levels.

In Europe, all of this is playing second fiddle to the ongoing farce of the EFSF negotiations while, in the US, the fiscal arithmetic remains parlous and the arena for a round of vituperative, but ultimately sterile, infighting.

If the burdens of the first region remain yet unalleviated, at least the impasse shows that there are still those who recognise — albeit dimly — that to earmark trillions of euros of the citizens’ money so as to reward both gross irresponsibility on the part of the member states and the cynical exploitation of moral hazard by the barons of the banking boardrooms is as ethically dubious as it is economically suspect. While all the bien pensants may flood the airwaves and stuff their column inches by decrying this as the fault of the characteristically stiff-necked Germans, we can only sigh that a few more of our glorious leaders do not also disport a suitably Teutonic fusion of the cervical vertebrae.

Meanwhile, the situation in America goes from bad to worse. Indeed, the US deficit now seems almost pre-ordained to grow at $1.3 trillion or so each and every year—around 2 1/2 times the concurrent increase in private sector GDP (that number again!) and unfunded to the tune of a dangerous, potentially intractable and thus highly inflationary 35-40% of expenditures.

Whether or not the Fed is successful in its misguided quest to de-emphasise the so-called price stability part of its mandate in favour of the wild goose chase of trying to reduce unemployment on a permanent basis by monetary means, the lack of continence it has encouraged among an intellectually-vacant political elite—as well as the dire budgetary consequences of any reversal in bond yields from their post-War nominal lows on a full GDP-scale debt mountain—argue against any easy reversal of their joint stance.

It might not go unnoticed that the simplistic, but nonetheless illustrative, measure of the ‘misery index’ — unemployment plus consumer price inflation — currently stands at a 19-year high (even under what many darkly mutter are today much less exacting standards than heretofore prevailed) and is, moreover, pushing resolutely onward into territory only visited in the post-WII era during the dreadful spell between 1973-83 when it seemed as if we had finally driven a stake through the heart of the bloodsucker of Bloomsbury.

This is not just a matter of passing interest, since rising prices amid chronic joblessness is a mix which often widens the split between input costs and output prices—a phenomenon which also tends to go hand in hand with higher levels of CPI itself. Such a combination is usually disastrous for equity multiples, which are themselves the main determinants of stock returns, so — even by his own rather dimmed lights — Chairman Bernanke is again on track to achieve exactly the opposite effect of the one at which he is aiming.

Anyone requiring a further explanation of how this arose should go and read Ron Paul’s cogent rehearsal of the ills that afflict the nation in his recent WSJ editorial, a well-justified Philippic in which he also adopts a view about just what it is that is forestalling the recovery which will be familiar to readers of these pages:-

What exactly the Fed will do is anyone’s guess, and it is no surprise that markets continue to founder as anticipation mounts. If the Fed would stop intervening and distorting the market, and would allow the functioning of a truly free market that deals with profit and loss, our economy could recover. The continued existence of an organization that can create trillions of dollars out of thin air to purchase financial assets and prop up a fundamentally insolvent banking system is a black mark on an economy that professes to be free.

Hear! Hear!

Commodity Corner

Around about this time last year, the market began to shake off its angst and buy anything and everything in sight in an increasingly indiscriminate move which would see commodities, stocks, junk—and just about anything else with the word ‘Risk’ attached—rise for the better part of seven months.

But last year’s rally, however ephemeral its impact either as a prop to asset prices or as a fillip to the real economy, was at least based on something tangible. The Fed was actively monetizing a sizeable fraction of the US budget deficit through its QE-II programme; Chinese real money supply growth—while undoubtedly slowing—was still swirling along in the high teens, in contrast to today’s sluggishly low single digits;  the RBI was only a third of the way through its (unfinished?) tightening phase; likewise, the Banco do Brasil had seemingly paused, half way through its eventual schedule of higher rates; and the European debt crisis was still only a cloud on the horizon — and a cloud which lowered only over the periphery, at that.

In other words, however futile the attempt to print the world back to prosperity, something tangible was afoot and the newly-created monies were flooding into their most immediately accessible outlets in financial markets, en route to effecting their more malign consequence of raising the price of necessaries for the common man.

This time around, the rally was built more on hope and fear than on anything more concrete: hope that the Fed’s Operation Twist would actually mean something other than just the latest act of vandalism committed upon the price mechanism; hope that Europe would issue itself a large blank cheque and have it delivered in wheel barrows to finance ministries and banking headquarters all across the Zone; and the fear of being caught short of benchmark and mired in the slough of negative returns if the year somehow ended in a sustainable relief rally.

Two weeks of that may have been enough to goose the DAX by almost 20% and the S&P and Emerging Markets by close to 15%; it may have jolted base metals 10% and Brent Crude 17% higher; it may have reversed 140bps of the prior steep rise in junk credit spreads, but it does not look like it changed either the fundamental backdrop or the fact that new sources of central bank jungle juice are so far proving very hard to identify.

So, with a nod to the fact that everyone underwater is currently desperate to locate some last remaining, no-brain trade onto which to bandwagon, in order to dress up another year of lacklustre performance and to avoid one more career-endangering embarrassment of charging fees as a reward for losing clients’ money, we must start from the assumption that the rally has run its course, having achieved what all bear market rallies do — to magnify the pain while recharging the powder magazine — and that there is a risk that the current probe lower is met with a further, irresistible wave of panicky liquidation.